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Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

Volume 69

А. Е. KASHEVAROV’S
COASTAL EXPLORATIONS
IN NORTHWEST ALASKA, 1838

EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

JAMES W. VANSTONE

TRANSLATED BY

DAVID H. KRAUS

September 28, 1977

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FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

A Continuation of the
ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES
of

FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

VOLUME 69

nl

FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
CHICAGO, U.S.A.

А. Е. KASHEVAROV’S
COASTAL EXPLORATIONS
IN NORTHWEST ALASKA, 1838

FIELDIANA
Anthropology

Published by Field Museum of Natural History

Volume 69

A. F. KASHEVAROV’S
COASTAL EXPLORATIONS
IN NORTHWEST ALASKA, 1838

EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY

JAMES W. VANSTONE

Curator, North American Archaeology and Ethnology
Field Museum of Natural History

TRANSLATED BY

DAVID H. KRAUS

Slavic and East European Division
Library of Congress

September 28, 1977
Publication 1268

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 77-83950
US ISSN 0071-4739

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

CONTENTS

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PREFACE

In the minds of most students of Alaskan history and ethnology,
exploration of the coast of northwest Alaska is associated with the
great British explorers Cook and Beechey, or the various vessels
dispatched by the British government in search of John Franklin’s
third expedition. The contributions made by Russian maritime
explorers are usually thought of as having been confined to the
Aleutian Islands and panhandle archipelago where most of her colo-
nizing and economic exploitation took place, with perhaps an occa-
sional northern penetration such as that of Kotzebue in 1815-
1818.

It is true that, with the exception of Kotzebue, the Russians did
not make many notable contributions to our knowledge of the geo-
graphy and ethnology of Alaska north of lat. 64°. However, the
explorations of Vasilev, Shishmarev, Khromchenko, and Etolin are
worthy of study and provide an added dimension to our under-
standing of Russian expansion in the north Pacific and her response
to the efforts of Great Britain and the United States to establish a
sphere of influence in this area. Far more significant from a scien-
tific point of view, however, were the coastal explorations of Alek-
sandr Filippovich Kashevarov, whose party, during the summer of
1838, traveled in Eskimo skin boats from Cape Lisburne to a point
approximately 30 miles east of Point Barrow. Kashevarov’s journal
of his explorations, not published until 1879, is translated here. His
accomplishments deserve to be known to all historians and anthro-
pologists concerned with Alaska and its native inhabitants.

My purpose in this account is not only to reproduce Kashevarov’s
1838 journal in English, but to place his achievements in historical
perspective and call attention, in particular, to his ethnographic
contributions. In this manner I hope to emphasize the importance
and significance of a generally neglected event in the history of
Russian America.

For critical comments and helpful suggestions during the prepa-
ration of this study, I am grateful to Ernest S. Burch, Jr. and John

2 ЕТЕГОТАМА: АМТНВОРОГОСУ, УОГОМЕ 69

Bockstoce. Their thorough knowledge of the geography, history,
and ethnology of northwest Alaska has helped me to avoid numer-
ous errors. In spite of their diligent efforts, there may still be a few
for which I alone am responsible.

The translation of Kashevarov’s journal was undertaken with
financial support from the James R. Getz Fund of Field Museum of
Natural History. David H. Kraus of the Library of Congress, trans-
lator of the journal, the appendix, and some of the material used in
the introduction, also performed many editorial services. The colla-
boration, as in the past, has been a happy one. Henry N. Michael
helped to resolve certain problems of terminology which had
puzzled both the translator and the editor. Valuable assistance in
obtaining biographical information on Kashevarov was provided by
Dr. Svetlana G. Fedorova of the Institute of Ethnography in
Moscow. The maps were drawn by Richard Roesener and the manu-
script typed by Kathleen S. Fine.

INTRODUCTION

Although Russia had laid at least theoretical claim to all of
Alaska since the middle of the eighteenth century, her primary
interest in the fur trade confined intensive exploration and exploi-
tation first to the Aleutian Islands and, somewhat later, to the Gulf
of Alaska and the southeastern archipelago. Nevertheless, her
sovereignty over the northern regions meant that she possessed the
land adjacent to the western portion of the fabled Northwest Pas-
sage, an area of vital interest to other European nations, particu-
larly Great Britain. Termination of the Napoleonic wars allowed
both Great Britain and Russia to resume their rivalry in the north
Pacific. The first post-war explorations, those of Lieutenant Otto
von Kotzebue in 1815-1818, were an indication to the rest of the
world that Russia intended to sponsor northern coastal explora-
tions and had hopes of finding a passage from the Pacific to the
Atlantic.

Kotzebue sailed from Turku (Abo) in 1815 in the brig Rurik and
reached Kamchatka by way of Cape Horn the following year.
During the summer of 1816 he continued his voyage to the north-
east as far as St. Lawrence Island and then through Bering Strait
and along the northern coast of Seward Peninsula to the sound
which bears his name. Kotzebue’s instructions specified that he
was to look for a safe anchoring place in Norton Sound from which
to examine the northern coast the following year. Having dis-
covered Kotzebue Sound, the explorer considered this adequate for
such a purpose and felt no need to continue south to Norton Sound.
Kotzebue then visited the eastern end of St. Lawrence Island before
proceeding to winter quarters in Hawaii. He went north again in
1817, but since his health was poor and ice conditions in the vicin-
ity of St. Lawrence Island promised a difficult passage north, he
turned back without notably extending his explorations (Kotzebue,
1821, vol. 1, pp. 187-241; vol. 2, pp. 162-177). After the expedition
returned to Europe, there was considerable criticism of the voyage,
most of which revolved around the fact that Kotzebue had allowed a
comparatively slight disturbance of his health to interfere with the

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VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 5

original plans for northern explorations and investigation of a pass-
ageway to the Atlantic (Mahr, 1932, pp. 13-14, 25-26).

In England, meanwhile, Sir John Barrow, Secretary of the Admi-
ralty and a patron of arctic discovery, followed these Russian explo-
rations with considerable interest and warned that the Russians
were ‘‘strongly impressed with the idea of an open passage around
America.”’ He further observed that “Г would be somewhat morti-
fying if a naval power but of yesterday should complete a discovery
in the nineteenth century, which was so happily commenced by
Englishmen in the sixteenth’’ (quoted in Kirwan, 1960, р. 77).
Partly as a result of Barrow’s urging, Parliament offered a sub-
stantial reward in 1818 for finding a northwest passage or attaining
the farthest north should it turn out that a westward route to
Bering Strait was impossible.

Russia continued her northern explorations in 1819 when, by
order of Tsar Aleksandr I, an expedition under the command of
Captain-Lieutenant Mikhail N. Vasilev was dispatched to describe
and survey the northern coasts of Alaska and at the same time to
look for a northwest passage. Vasilev set sail from Kronstadt in
two naval sloops, the Otkrytie (Discovery) under his command and
the Blagonomerennyy (Good Intent) under the command of Cap-
tain-Lieutenant Gleb S. Shishmarev who had served with Kotzebue.
Both ships reached Kotzebue Sound in July, 1820 and continued
north as far as lat. 71°6’, 35 miles north of Icy Cape, where they
were stopped by ice.

Vasilev and Shishmarev spent the winter in northern California
and the Hawaiian Islands. By June, 1821 both the Otkrytie and the
Blagonomerennyy were at Unalaska ready for a second season of
surveys. Shishmarev was directed to carry out surveys along the
northeast coast of Asia, while Vasilev, after exploring the coast
between Bristol Bay and Norton Sound, proceeded north and
reached lat. 70°40’ before being stopped once again by ice. He then
abandoned his second attempt to conduct surveys in the Arctic
Ocean. Like Captain James Cook in 1788 and others after him, the
Russian navigator learned that progress northward in a large
sailing vessel was virtually impossible much beyond lat. 70° (Berkh,
1823, pt. IT).

The Vasilev and Shishmarev expedition also demonstrated that
detailed northern coastal surveys were extremely difficult if not im-
possible from a large sailing vessel because of numerous islands and

6 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

the difficulty in distinguishing between straits and inlets. The
British explorer, Captain John Franklin, was aware of this in the
early 1820’s when planning his second expedition. Another person
who appreciated the problem was Count Nikolay P. Rumyantsev,
the Russian Chancellor of State, who had provided financial support
for Kotzebue’s explorations. Rumyantsev was disappointed at
Kotzebue’s failure to explore the coast northeast of Kotzebue Sound
and he also recognized that Vasilev had failed to add to geogra-
phical knowledge of the area east of Bering Strait. Furthermore, he
was distressed that the Russian government seemed to be taking no
further steps to investigate these interesting problems (Tikhmenev,
1939-1940, pp. 334-335).

In 1821 the Tsar had issued an ukase claiming territorial sover-
eignty along the coast from lat. 51° N to Bering Strait and dominion
over adjacent seas 115 miles from the shore. Both the British and
Americans objected strongly against this unilateral termination of
free coastal navigation and it may have been that because of these
objections, the Russians were unwilling to pursue discoveries for
strategic advantage that would be counter to those of the British
(Gough, 1973, р. 13). Although the northern areas explored by
Kotzebue, Vasilev, and Shishmarev were north of the region where
Russia claimed territorial sovereignty, they were, as we have noted,
of strategic importance to the discovery of a northwest passage, a
subject which had been of vital importance to the British for more
than 200 years.

Count Rumyantsev apparently did not share his government’s
reluctance to carry out coastal explorations in northwest Alaska.
In 1824 he wrote to the General Manager of the Russian-American
Company, Matvey I. Muravev, requesting him to outfit an expedi-
tion to explore the northern coast of Alaska, the cost to be paid
jointly by the count and the company. This request, of course, had
the approval of the company’s general administration in St. Peters-
burg and it probably also had at least the unofficial blessing of the
imperial government as well. On more than one occasion, the
Russian-American Company served as an effective front for acti-
vities directly concerned with Russian power in North America.

Rumyantsev, like Franklin, believed that a land expedition could
carry out a better survey of the coast than could ships. Therefore,
he envisioned that his expedition would proceed to Icy Cape in a
company vessel and then in small boats undertake detailed surveys
northward and as far east as the mouth of the Mackenzie River.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 7

The Russians were aware that Franklin was about to begin a similar
expedition from the opposite direction and it was apparently hoped
that the two parties would meet, thus sharing the glory of com-
pleting a northwest passage of sorts. On the other hand, if Russia
were to make no further attempt at northern coastal exploration,
the British would eventually reach Bering Strait and Russia would
be open to criticism for allowing other nations to explore her seas
and coasts (Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pp. 334-335).

Count Rumyantsev desired that his expedition be under the com-
mand of Vasiliy S. Khromchenko and Adolph K. Etolin, veteran
naval officers in the employ of the Russian-American Company who
had recently completed successful explorations off the coast of
southwestern Alaska (VanStone, 1973). He allotted 20,000 rubles
for the undertaking and the general administration authorized
Muravev to spend as much as 10,000 rubles if necessary. At this
point, however, Count Rumyantsev died and since his heir did not
approve of spending money for this purpose, the entire project col-
lapsed. As it appeared unlikely that Rumyantsev’s expedition
would actually be able to co-operate with Franklin as the Count had
hoped, this may have been another factor in the decision to abandon
the enterprise (Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, р. 336).

Just as Count Rumyantsev and others in Russia knew of the
plans for Franklin’s second expedition, so Franklin was apparently
aware of the possibility of new Russian explorations in the north
Pacific. He feared an attempt by the Russians to extend their
domain to the north and was a firm believer in the need to check
Russian power in North America so that it would not be extended
into the rich fur-bearing region of the Mackenzie basin (Gough,
1973, pp. 11-12). This was an area with which Franklin already had
some familiarity as a result of his first expedition (1819-1822) which
had wintered north of Great Slave Lake near the headwaters of the
Coppermine River (Franklin, 1824).

The purpose of Franklin’s second expedition (1825-1827) was,
therefore, to reach the mouth of the Mackenzie overland and then
explore westward along the coast to the northwest extremity of
North America for the triple purpose of advancing geographical
knowledge and the fur trade, as well as preventing the encroach-
ment of Russia. Traveling overland from New York, Franklin and
his party reached Fort Chipewyan on Lake Athabasca in mid-July,
1825 and the mouth of the Mackenzie a month later. Winter quar-
ters were established at Fort Franklin on Great Bear Lake and the

8 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

following summer Franklin and Lieutenant George Back explored
west of the Mackenzie Delta as far as Return Reef at lat. 148°52’
(Franklin, 1828).

Franklin had hoped and expected to reach Icy Cape in the summer
of 1826 and requested that a vessel meet him in Kotzebue Sound or
some other location further north in order to bring the party back to
England or to furnish it with supplies for a return by land (Gough,
1973, p. 11). Captain Frederick W. Beechey in the sloop Blossom
was dispatched in 1826 to co-operate with Franklin and, hopefully,
to meet his party somewhere north of Kotzebue Sound.

The Blossom arrived at Chamisso Island on July 22, 1826 and on
that day discovered Hotham Inlet, an identation of the coast that
had escaped the notice of Kotzebue. Beechey then proceeded north
along the coast keeping a continual lookout for Franklin and uti-
lizing the ship’s barge to make close-in surveys. A decision was
made to send the barge north from Icy Cape under the command of
Thomas Elson; ship and barge parted company on August 17. The
Blossom then returned to Kotzebue Sound to await Elson’s return,
arriving there on August 28.

Elson and his party, after considerable difficulty, reached Point
Barrow on August 22, just six days after Franklin turned back from
Return Reef, and rejoined Beechey in Kotzebue Sound on Septem-
ber 10 (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, pp. 356-472). “Ву this expedition
about seventy miles of coast in addition to those discovered by the
Blossom— making in the whole 126 miles—have been added to the
geography of the polar regions, and the distance between Captain
Franklin’s discoveries and our own have been brought within so
small a compass as to leave very little room for further speculation
on the northern limits of the continent of America’”’ (Beechey, 1831,
vol. 1, p. 442). Beechey was correct in his assumption. Although he
failed to meet Franklin in 1826, or again in 1827 when he returned
to Kotzebue Sound and the barge explored as far north as Icy Cape
(Beechey, 1831, vol. 2, pp. 254-291), the remaining unexplored coast
of Alaska consisted only of the approximately 200 miles between
Return Reef and Point Barrow. Beechey’s careful surveys of the
coast between Kotzebue Sound and Icy Cape also proved once and
for all that there was no northwest passage south of the northern
limit of the Alaska mainland.

In 1830 Baron Ferdinand P. von Wrangell became General
Manager of the Russian-American Company, having already

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 9

achieved distinction both as a naval officer and as an explorer.
Although he was in Alaska for slightly less than five years, his
interest, guidance, and scientific curiosity, together with the
demands of the fur trade, led to important explorations in south-
western Alaska which added greatly to the existing knowledge of
Alaska’s geography and peoples (VanStone, 1970, р. 1). Upon com-
pletion of his term as General Manager, Wrangell returned to St.
Petersburg and proposed to the company’s general administration
that an expedition be sent to examine the unexplored section of
coast between Point Barrow and Return Reef. This expedition was
to be under the command of A. F. Kashevarov, who would proceed
with his party on a company ship as far north as the ice would
permit and then continue north in smaller vessels in the manner
that Count Rumyantsev had proposed earlier.

A. F. Kashevarov was born in 1809 on Kodiak Island. According
to Fedorova (1973, pp. 338-339), the explorer’s father, Filipp Arta-
monovich Kashevarov, was a promyshlennik or fur trader, but other
sources refer to him as a school teacher and he could, of course, have
been both. Kashevarov’s mother was either an Aleut or an Eskimo;
here again the sources are contradictory. The creole sons of com-
pany employees were frequently sent to Russia to study at company
expense and young Kashevarov arrived in St. Petersburg at the age
of 12 together with two other creole boys, one of whom, according to
Fedorova (1973, pp. 338-339), was Yakov Netsvetov, who later be-
came the first Russian Orthodox priest on the Yukon River. In St.
Petersburg Kashevarov was first placed in a private boarding
school and later entered the Kronstadt Navigation School from
which he graduated in 1828. His first assignments involved a cir-
cumnavigation of the world in 1829-1830, during which he mapped
some previously unknown islands in the Marshalls, and, in 1831, a
voyage from Kronstadt to Sitka. In the latter year he became an
ensign in the Fleet Navigation Corps.

Back in Alaska again, Kashevarov assumed command of a num-
ber of company ships between 1833 and 1837 usually sailing
between Sitka and Kodiak Island, but also occasionally to other
ports. In 1837 he was promoted to second lieutenant and his
superiors must have continued to be impressed with his skill as a
navigator for he was chosen to lead the coastal expedition proposed
by Wrangell (Entsiklopedicheskiy slovar, 1895, vol. 14a, p. 818;
Obschiy morskoy spisok, 1900, vol. 12, suppl., p. 495; Lipshits,
1952, p. 175; Russkie Moreplavateli, 1953, p. 510; Bolshaya Sovet-

10 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

skaya Entsiklopediya, 1973, vol. 11, pp. 554-555; Fedorova, 1973,
pp. 338-339).

Kashevarov’s expedition was planned more carefully than any
small-boat explorations in Alaska up to that time. The party was to
travel in a single baydara (umiak) and five baydarkas (kayaks).
In Sitka both warm clothing and small wood and leather food con-
tainers were designed specifically for use in the baydarkas in the
event that the expedition was forced to abandon its larger boat. In
addition, the most modern instruments for surveying and obser-
vation were also provided (Tikhmenev, 1939-1940, pp. 337-338).

While these preparations were in progress, and unknown to
Kashevarov and those responsible for his enterprise, the Hudson
Bay Company, with the blessing of the British government, had
dispatched an expedition with exactly the same goal: to survey the
arctic coast line from Franklin’s farthest point west to Point
Barrow. Thomas Simpson and Peter Warren Dease left Fort
Chipewyan on June 1, 1837, reached the mouth of the Mackenzie on
July 9, and Return Reef on July 23. Simpson, alone and on foot
during the last four days, arrived at Point Barrow on August 4.
Thus the British — and not the Russians, as Barrow had feared —
achieved the distinction of making the final survey of the north
coast (Simpson, 1843).

Following his coastal explorations in northwest Alaska, which are
the subject of the journal translated here, Kashevarov returned to
more routine service for the Russian-American Company. Between
1839 and 1843 he commanded company ships sailing between Sitka,
Petropavlovsk, Okhotsk, and California; in 1841 he was promoted
to lieutenant (Obschiy morskoy spisok, 1900, vol. 12, suppl., p.
496; Russkie Moreplavateli, 1953, p. 510). In 1840 the first brief
report on his coastal explorations (Kashevarov, 1840) was pub-
lished, to be followed five years later by the publication of that
portion of his diary kept between July 5 and July 16, 1838 (Kashe-
varov, 1845). These diaries were written in addition to and separate
from the expedition’s journal and they contain some additional
information, especially with reference to tribal classification and
distribution (Ray, 1975b, pp. 131-132). The following year he
(Kashevarov, 1846) published the ethnographic account ‘“‘Zametki
ob eskimosakh у Russkoy Amerike’’ (Notes on the Eskimos in
Russian America) which is translated here as an appendix.

In 1845 Kashevarov returned to St. Petersburg where he was

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 11

discharged from the service of the Russian-American Company and
assigned to the Hydrographic Department of the Naval Ministry
to work on a compilation of maps for an atlas of the north Pacific
Ocean (Kashevarov, 1850).' During this interval he was promoted
to captain of the second rank (Obschiy morskoy spisok, 1900, vol.
12, suppl., p. 496; Russkie Moreplavateli, 1953, p. 510). In 1850
Kashevarov returned to the service of the Russian-American Com-
pany with the rank of captain-lieutenant and was appointed com-
mander of the port of Ayan on the Okhotsk Sea where the company
maintained a post. During the Crimean War (1854), British ships
attacked the port; for his role in repulsing them Kashevarov was
awarded the order of St. Vladimir, 4th class (Lipshits, 1952, p. 177).

Kashevarov remained at Ayan until 1855 when he was once again
discharged from the company’s service and returned to St. Peters-
burg to serve in the Hydrographic Department. He was appointed
chief draftsman of the department in 1858 and served in that capa-
city until 1862 when he was assigned to the reserves. In 1865 he
retired with the rank of brigadier general and died on September 25,
1866 (Lipshits, 1952, p. 178; Obschiy morskoy spisok, 1900, vol. 12,
suppl., p. 496).

While still serving at Ayan, Kashevarov became an outspoken
critic of the Russian-American Company and something of a
spokesman for those who, like himself, were born in Alaska and
loved their native land. It did not escape his notice that the direc-
tors of the company who met in St. Petersburg, most of whom knew
little about Russian America, were more ‘concerned about stock-
holders’ profits than they were about the welfare of the inhabitants
of Alaska, both Russian and native. In the early 1860’s, when
serious consideration was being given to the future of the company,
Kashevarov published articles that were highly critical of the gene-
ral administration. In one of these (Kashevarov, 1861) he noted the
difficulties of reconciling the loyalty expected of a company employ-
ee with the patriotic feelings of a native Alaskan, while in others
he sharply criticised the organization of trade in Russian America
and the over-exploitation of natural resources. This situation could

‘According to Fedorova (1973, р. 261), an ‘‘Atlas of the Eastern Ocean’’ compiled
by A. Е. Kashevarov with descriptions of colonial seafarers of 1844-1862’’ was pub-
lished in St. Petersburg in 1862. Of the sources on Kashevarov’s life and work, only
the Bolshaya Sovetskaya Entsiklopediya (1973, vol. 11, p. 555) mentions this pub-
lication. Although the encyclopedia refers to a published atlas, Fedorova’s source
is the ‘Central State Archive of the USSR Navy.”

12 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

only be remedied, in his opinion, if Alaska was incorporated into the
Russian state, thus becoming totally independent of the company
(Kashevarov, 1862a, b).

It was doubtless these opinions, outspoken for the time and freely
offered in print, that hastened Kashevarov’s departure from com-
pany service. Certainly, he was correct in his assessment of the role
of the company in Russian America. By this time, however, the
Russian government was deeply involved in serious political diffi-
culties in Europe and elsewhere and had little inclination to devote
much attention to the needs of its North American possession
except to consider its sale to the United States. This event took
place in 1867, less than a year after Kashevarov’s death (Chernenko,
1967, p. 7; Lipshits, 1952, p. 177).

Kashevarov’s journal of his coastal explorations in northwest
Alaska during the summer of 1838 was not published until 1879, 13
years after his death. The accounts which appeared in 1840, 1845,
and 1846, in a language little known in western Europe at the time,
were apparently insufficient to call attention to his accomplish-
ments. In any event, there are no references to his trip in any of the
accounts of the Franklin search expeditions which frequented the
same area of the north Pacific between 1849 and 1855 seeking clues
to the disappearance of John Franklin’s third expedition. In 1849,
1850, and 1852 there were boat expeditions from Icy Cape to Point
Barrow and beyond that covered some of the same territory as that
traversed by the Kashevarov expedition. The members of these
parties were totally unaware that any European other than Thomas
Elson in the Blossom’s barge had made this trip before them
(Moore, 1851, pp. 33-40; Pullen, 1852, pp. 23-33; Maguire, 1852-
1853, pp. 48-59; 1854, pp. 160-186). In fact, the only contemporary
explorer to acknowledge Kashevarov’s accomplishment was his
fellow countryman, Lavrentiy A. Zagoskin, who may have had
access to the former’s unpublished journal and definitely utilized
his early article published in 1840 (Zagoskin, 1967, p. 294). Zago-
skin included Kashevarov’s discoveries on the map of Alaska which
accompanied his own explorations, first published in 1847-1848
(Zagoskin, 1956, map).

It is hoped that readers of the translation and editorial comments
which follow will be in a position to make their own evaluation of the
accomplishments of Kashevarov’s party. Perhaps some guidance
can be offered, however, by considering these accomplishments in

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 13

the light of two major considerations: 1) the significance of the ex-
pedition from the standpoint of additions to geographical know-
ledge; and 2) ethnographic information obtained by Kashevarov
concerning the Eskimo inhabitants of the areas covered by the ex-
pedition.

An accurate assessment of Kashevarov’s geographical contribu-
tions is difficult because no map was published with his journal.
Several references are made in the journal to the accuracy of
Beechey’s map and it could be that Kashevarov believed publica-
tion of his map to be unwarranted since it did not improve substan-
tially on the one already published by Beechey. Kashevarov’s text,
however, contains a far more detailed geographical discussion than
is given by Smyth in his account of Elson’s barge trip, and more
than in any of the trips along the coast by members of the various
Franklin search expeditions. As a result, the reader obtains a much
clearer picture of the country and its environment than can be
obtained from any other contemporary account. Kashevarov’s
additions to geographical nomenclature in the area east of Point
Barrow are not retained on modern maps. However, the consider-
able number of Eskimo settlements he identified by name, and
which appear on Zagoskin’s (1956) map, indicate the significance
which the latter attached to the expedition of his countryman even
though he was aware that it duplicated, to some extent, the achieve-
ments of both Beechey and Simpson. It can be said, therefore, that
Kashevarov added little that was totally new to the geography of
northwest Alaska, but he was the only nineteenth-century explorer
to describe the coast and its environment in reasonable detail.

It is in the area of ethnography that Kashevarov’s contributions
are truly notable. Unlike the parties of Elson, Pullen, Moore, and
Maguire, he made a point of questioning the Eskimos he encoun-
tered on his trip and noted their villages and camps. His was the
first expedition of the period to have the benefit of an Inupik-speak-
ing interpreter, making it possible to obtain from the natives accu-
rate information concerning the country, as well as the names of
settlements, rivers, and tribal groupings.

Particularly useful and detailed is Kashevarov’s information on
settlement patterns. Thirteen permanent and seasonal settlements
are identified with certainty and four more with reasonable cer-
tainty. This is a far greater number than is mentioned by any other
contemporary expedition and most of them were placed on maps for

14 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

the first time as a result of Kashevarov’s exploration. Occasion-
ally, the number of dwelling units is listed together with other infor-
mation that makes approximate population estimates possible.
Kashevarov’s journal also contains the first detailed published des-
cription of Eskimo houses and summer tents in northwest Alaska.

Perhaps the most significant ethnographic contribution in the
journal is the identification of ‘‘tribal’’ groupings by name, as well
as information concerning inter-tribal relations. These data con-
stitute an important historical supplement to recent research at-
tempting to define the territorial extent of traditional societies or
‘tribes’ in northwest Alaska in the mid-nineteenth century (Burch,
1975, pp. 10-13). However, Kashevarov, in spite of the assistance
of his interpreter, appears to have had little understanding of dia-
lectical differences in the area, or even of the broad distinction
between the Yupik and Inupik languages.

The reader will note that Kashevarov’s journal contains many
references to the plant and animal life of northwest Alaska, as well
as good accounts of Eskimo subsistence activities. There are also
references to trade with inhabitants of Kotzebue Sound and Bering
Strait which suggests the existence of an elaborate trade network
involving peoples of northeastern Siberia, the nature of which
Zagoskin was able to determine in considerable detail just four
years later (Zagoskin, 1967, pp. 100-103).

Considering Kashevarov’s interest in the Eskimos and their way
of life, it is surprising that he did not, like Beechey (Bockstoce,
nd), make a collection of ethnographic specimens. There is a
small collection of ethnographic material obtained by Kashevarov
in the Museum of Ethnography and Anthropology, Leningrad, but
it does not, apparently, contain any specimens from northwest
Alaska (Lipshits, 1953, p. 368).

In summary, the ethnographic information in Kashevarov’s jour-
nal is both considerable and of high quality. It far surpasses both in
quantity and quality similar information in the accounts of mem-
bers of the various Franklin search expeditions, most of whom seem
to have considered the Eskimos beneath their notice. It is equal in
value to the ethnographic data collected by Beechey, an excellent
observer (Bockstoce, nd), and has the advantage of pertaining
primarily to an area which Beechey himself did not see. In spite of
the importance of Kashevarov’s ethnographic contributions, how-
ever, his journal has seldom been consulted by anthropologists who

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 15

have worked in northwest Alaska during the past 25 years. Foote
and Williamson (1966, pp. 1,041-1,107), in their excellent study of
the human geography of northwest Alaska, note that Kashevarov
visited the area; they were aware of the journal and possibly his
other publications, but made only minimal use of them.

With the exception of the journal, the most important of Kashe-
varov’s publications for anthropologists is the article entitled
‘‘Zametki ob eskimosakh у Russkoy Amerike,”’ a translation of
which appears here in an appendix. Like the journal, it has been
ignored by American anthropologists, but on the basis of this
article alone a Soviet scholar has described Kashevarov as ‘ап im-
portant student of Alaskan ethnography” (Lipshits, 1952, p. 175).
This is, indeed, an accurate evaluation since the article in question
merits comparison with Wrangell’s pioneer study ‘‘Obitateli
severo-zapadnykh beregov Ameriki”’ (The Inhabitants of the North-
west Coast of America) originally published in 1839 (Wrangell,
1970, pp. 5-20). Although Wrangell was apparently aware of
Beechey’s publication, he does not utilize it extensively. The em-
phasis in his account is on the Eskimos and Indians of south-
werstern Alaska; thus Kashevarov’s article compliments it nicely.
Together they indicate that by 1850 the Russians had a reasonable
understanding of the inhabitants of their vast North American
domain.

In his article Kashevarov’s emphasis on man and his relationship
to the environment has a decidedly modern flavor. He contrasts the
environment of the Chukchi Sea area with that of the region to the
south and notes the extensive contrasts in temperature throughout
the year in the north that are, in part, responsible for the definite
seasonal round of subsistence activities. Demographic data include
a total population estimate, the earliest specifically for northwest
Alaska. The seasonal movements of people and Russian trade are
considered, and there are accounts of villages with an even more
detailed description of winter houses than occurs in the journal.

Kashevarov repeats some of the information included in his jour-
nal, specifically his definition of the ‘‘tribal’’ groupings, as well as
much geographical and botanical data; the same linguistic errors
are also perpetuated. A limited amount of additional material on
the seasonal round is included. There are good accounts of hunting
methods, particularly for caribou, and a more detailed description
of the kayak than is to be found in the journal. Careful observations

16 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

of clothing and personal adornment are also significantly more
detailed than comparable treatments in the journal.

It is rare in nineteenth century accounts of exploration in Alaska
to read anything about social organization or other less obvious
aspects of culture. Kashevarov, however, writes with obvious
interest and sensitivity with reference to such matters as poly-
gyny, child rearing, leadership, and respect for the aged. Similarly,
he is concerned about the hazards of impending culture change and
the unhappy fate which he believes awaits the Eskimos of north-
west Alaska if they are cut off from their traditional way of life.

In making a general assessment of Kashevarov’s accomplish-
ment, it is necessary to keep in mind that his explorations appear to
have differed considerably from those of other explorers who were
employees of the Russian-American Company. Kashevarov was
more than simply an advance agent for a fur trading company
whose duties consisted primarily of providing basic information
that would assist his employers to make their plans for expanding
the fur trade. In fact, there is relatively little information on the fur
trade in Kashevarov’s journal, and he apparently made no attempt
to trade for furs as did Khromchenko, Zagoskin, and other company
explorers. The real goal of the expedition would appear to have been
political. At the instigation of Wrangell and unaware of the accom-
plishment of Thomas Simpson, the company hoped to achieve for
Russia the honor of completing exploration of the north coast of
Alaska. It is clear, however, that the company never really believed
it would be in a position to take advantage of the fur trade in that
area.

PREFACE ТО THE TRANSLATION

A. F. Kashevarov’s journal of his coastal explorations in the
summer of 1838 was published in 1879. Other publications relating
to the expedition appeared in print considerably earlier and it is not
clear why the appearance of the journal was so long delayed. One
explanation that suggests itself is that Kashevarov’s criticism of
the Russian-American Company, which must have caused a certain
amount of official displeasure, may have delayed the release of his
journal for publication. Also the Russian government, desirous of
maintaining as much of a trade monopoly as possible in Alaska,
felt no need to publish information which they had on hand since
such publication could only benefit foreigners.

The original Russian text contains numerous references to the
weather and the condition of the sea. Many of these have been
eliminated in the translation, but I hope that enough have been
retained to enable the reader to understand and appreciate the
environmental conditions under which the expedition was carried
out.

In the translation of the journal and in the appendix, too, words
appearing in brackets are those of the editor, while words or senten-
ces in parentheses are part of the original text. Where necessary
and when known the present-day spelling of place names is indi-
cated in brackets next to the original transliteration. All editorial
footnotes are numbered and placed at the end of the translation
(p. 66). Footnotes in the original text are indicated by an asterisk
and placed at the bottom of the page where they occur.

Russian proper names and other words in Kashevarov’s journal
have been transliterated according to a modified form of the Library
of Congress system. The reader should remember that all dates in
the journal are according to the Gregorian calendar which was 12
days behind the Julian calendar in the nineteenth century. The
following Russian measurements occur in the texts of the journal
and appendix: arshin = 28 in., sazhen = 2.3 yd., verst = .66 miles.

17

JOURNAL KEPT DURING THE “ВАУПРАВА” EXPEDITION
SENT OUT TO DESCRIBE THE NORTHERN COAST OF
AMERICA FROM THE FIFTH OF JULY THROUGH
THE SIXTH OF SEPTEMBER 1838

BY THE LEADER OF THE EXPEDITION,
SECOND LIEUTENANT OF THE NAVIGATOR’S CORPS,
KASHEVAROV

July 5th, From Noon

Light air; few clouds; sunshine; thick ice floe at sea to the N and
E. At 9:00 the expedition, consisting of five three-hatch baydarkas'
and one 12-oar Баудага? under the command of Second Lieutenant
Kashevarov of the Navigator’s Corps, leaving the brig Polyphem,
moved on to Cape Lisburne.* The crew of the expedition consists of
Navigation Assistant Malakhov*, Company Factor Kulishev, Medi-
cal Student Benzeman, an interpreter, a baydara leader, 21 oars-
men for the baydara and the five baydarkas, a Chpagmiut.* After
disembarking, the expedition began putting its baggage, weapons,
and two months provisions in order so that when it parted with the
brig Polyphem, then cruising off Cape Lisburne, it would have all
that it was supposed to have for the expedition. This, in fact, proved
to be the case. The expedition was equipped with instruments con-
sisting of a sextant with 20-in. scale divisions (the work of Master
Trouton), one artificial horizon with a correcting device, two ther-
mometers with Reaumur and Fahrenheit scales, two telescopes,
one drawing instrument, four second clocks, logs, sounding leads
and spares, one artificial magnet, two Pyle compasses with four
spare cards, one stop watch, and one No. 1101 Parkenson chrono-
meter, which, when checked at New Archangel [Sitka] showed on
May 7th, 1838: 2"24”31°.79 behind mean noon, deviation 2.685
sec/24 hrs; in using the chronometer to convert longitude to the
meridian of Greenwich, we took the longitude of New Archangel
Port as 135°18'40’ W of Greenwich. Corresponding elevations of the
same showed our situation on June 22nd as 0*35”54:.68 behind mean
noon. Daily deviation 2.6662 sec.

18

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20 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

The coast consists of flinty rock up to 850 ft. high, but at the foot
of the cliffs there is a sandy beach up to 1,400 ft. wide, quite suitable
for landing baydarkas. Here we were met by savages (20 persons of
both sexes with two children and two baydaras) who call themselves
Tykagmiuts.* Their winter settlement is on Point Hope; they speak
the Maligmiut language, which has the same root as the Kodiak
language, but is a dialect that differs in many respects from it.’
The appearance, dress, and ornaments of the Tykagmiuts are quite
the same as those of the inhabitants of the Kuskokwim and
Kvikhpak rivers.* Cape Lisburne is called Inakuchik by the natives.’

Wind moderate; cloudy; ice can be seen to the NE. Polyphem
has disappeared to the north.

July 6th, From Midnight

Wind calm; cloudy; the brig appeared to the north on the horizon
at 7:30.

Wind fresh with sharp gusts from the cliffs. Polyphem turned to
the W and at 10:00 disappeared from view.

From Noon
Wind fresh with gusts from the cliffs, cloudy.

July 7th, From Midnight

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun shining through; no ice is to
be seen at sea. At 4:00 we began to assemble and at 5:00, with
God’s help, we set out. Because of the strong gusts of wind from
the cliffs, the baydara had to be towed.

Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine. At 10:45 we put into shore
near a tent in which we found seven savages of both sexes with
children; they had two baydaras. The tent was made of caribou
skins sewn together and was conical, about 12 ft. high. The caribou
skins had been worked soft and were wrapped around crossbars
with the hair side out. The natives call themselves Tykagmiuts and
also live on Point Hope (Tykaga in the native language) in the
winter. These people, like the savages we met on Cape Lisburne,
come here for caribou.'® There is a small fresh-water stream near the
tent.

Wind fresh; cloudy; we set out from the tent and traveled NE.
The beach ended, the shore became a cliff to which ice froze, forming
ledges up to 20 ft. thick extending 15 to 20 ft. from shore."

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 21

From Noon

At 1:00 the squall wind shifted to the NE, with snow, at times
with rain; the wind began to rise, as a result of which the sea be-
came very choppy near the edge of the ice. we turned around and at
2:00 made it back to the natives’ tent amid great danger from the
pounding surf.

July 8th, From Midnight

Wind light; few clouds. Observations show our position to be
68°50'54’’N; the chronometer shows our longitude to be 165°28'48”
W;; deviation of the compass 36°2’E. The stretch of coast we have
traversed from Cape Lisburne checks in all details with Captain
Beechey’s map.

From Noon

Wind fresh with strong gusts; cloudy; ice in the sea.

July 9th, From Midnight
Wind the same; cloudy; fog.

From Noon

Wind moderate, with gusts; cloudy; fog over the mountains. We
set out at 2:30. Throughout the area, which we had observed for 15
versts around our landing, the surface of the mountains consists of
fine sandy stone tightly held together by fine gray sand — and
everywhere there are multitudes of ground squirrels and many
caribou tracks. The mountains end at the coast in cliffs up to 700 ft.
high, beneath which is a beach up to 20 ft. wide, which, like all pro-
jections from the cliffs, is covered with ice. There is very little drift-
wood on the shore, which consists of coarse gravel.

At 5:00 we set out from our landing and followed the coast NE.
The baydara under the command of Navigation Assistant
Malakhov was sent forward; the five baydarkas remained under
the command of the leader of the expedition.

In the 10 miles we covered from the landing there was no ice at sea
or on shore.

We passed Саре Sabine."’

July 10th, From Midnight
Wind fresh; cloudy; the surf has begun to get heavier. We passed

22 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Cape Beaufort at 6:30.'* At 8:00, because of the very heavy surf,
we landed on a marshy piece of coast 5 miles to the N of Cape Beau-
fort. From this cape the range of mountains, which thus far had run
along the coast, veers to the Е, inasfar as we can see.'* Not a single
elevation can be seen to the N of the mountains; the land surface
for the most part consists of boggy tundra 1% ft. thick, beneath
which is solid ice. There is grass about 3 in. high on the tundra, no
other vegetation is evident. The coast consists of silt in places;
sometimes the coast is level with the water, sometimes it rises in
small steep banks to heights of 6 ft., and in places it consists of
coarse gravel. The trend of the coast is in exact agreement with
Captain Beechey’s map.

From Noon

Wind light; cloudy; lighter surf. We cast off from the landing and
moved N along the coast.

At 9:30 we put in on a spit, at our baydara landing at the south
end of Long Lake [Kasegaluk Lagoon], in latitude 69°17’М. There is
much ice within our range of view to the N. Our baydaras had put
in here at 8:00 in the morning.

July 11th, From Midnight

Little wind; few clouds; sunshine. At 7:00 we set off northward
with the baydara. At 8:00 we entered a channel between the shore
and the thick ice.

At 9:00, having proceeded 5 miles from the last landing, we
passed through the first strait into Long Lake (counting from the
southern end of the lake), and it proved to be shallow. At 11:45 we
stopped on the south shore of the second small strait into the lake;
at noon we observed our position to be 69°25’21’’N. The shore of the
south end of Long Lake running northward is a low spit. Little
wind; clear.

From Noon

Calm; clear. Because of the thick ice at sea, we sought a fairway
in the lake; we found it along the east shore of the lake, about 5 ft.
deep; we portaged the baydara over the banks of the lake there and
beginning at 3:30 moved along the lake NW by N. At the observed
parallel, the lake is 2% miles wide and at the same parallel a small
stream empties into the lake from the E.

20 miles

Chukchi Sea

an

69°00’

FiG. 3. Cape Beaufort to Point Lay.

23

24 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

At 10:30, having rowed the baydara 10 miles from our noonday
point, we landed on the Е shore of the lake, which had narrowed to
one-half mile at that point. The east bank of Long Lake is 6 to 12 ft.
high and consists of tundra covered with grass up to 3% in. long;
there is more driftwood on the shallows that run along the entire
east shore of the lake than there is on the west shore, which conti-
nues as a low sandbar. We noted that when there are heavy break-
ers, water spills from the sea into the lake along its west shore.
Many caribou can be seen in the tundra.

July 12th, From Midnight

The hint of a wind rose from the SE at 1:30. We set out at 2:00.
Soon the lake became shallow and we could find no fairway, so we

moved out from the lake into the sea through a small strait at
latitude 69°35’N.**

Clear. At 3:30, because the ice was so compact, we could not
make our way northward by baydara; we entered the lake by a
strait 4 miles to the north of the previous one.

At 9:00 the baydara ran aground on a shoal and we began to drag
it along the shoal to the N.

At 11:00, having found enough draft for the baydara, we were
able to proceed by oar. At 12:00, because our people were ex-
hausted, we pulled up on a spit.

From Noon

Calm, at times light air from SE; clear. Measuring the depth of
the lake, we found that 1 mile N of our landing it was 4 ft. deep,
and it continued thus for a considerable distance; for a distance of 1
mile, however, the lake was only 1 ft. deep; we began to unload the
baydara so that we could portage the load in parts over the bank,
which consisted of fine sand. The work began at 4:30.

By 11:30 we had transported the whole load across the bank and,
having reloaded the baydara, left it at anchor. The crew was given
a rest. At 12:00 the wind was light; there were few clouds; sun-
shine.

July 13th, From Midnight
At 5:00 we set out and proceeded N along the lake.

At 8:00, having passed four small, low islands in the lake at Point
Lay,'® we again began to encounter shallows and, since we observed

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 25

less ice at sea, we left the lake by the sixth strait, entered the sea,
and proceeded N in a twisting path through the ice.

At 11:00 we put into shore.

Wind very light; clear. At noon we observed our latitude to be
70°0’12”М, the sun was sighted at SE 38°. The sea current 140 ft. off
shore, beneath the surface amid the ice, was one-half mile per hour
running north.

From Noon

At 1:00 we set out again. At 2:30 we put in at a native summer
camp consisting of 30 tents. It belongs to the Utukagmiuts, whose
winter quarters are in the tundra, whence they came down the river
that flows into Long Lake to the N of the summer camp, a three day
journey.'’ Along this river is a stand of pichikans somewhat below
the Utukagmiut settlement.'* They came here to hunt bearded
seals and large whales. The number of savages reached 100 persons
of both sexes with children. They speak a language quite similar to
Maligmiut. The Utukagmiuts are well built and look healthy; their
dress and ornamentation are similar to those of the Kvikhpaks."°

Wind very light; clear; the ice is sparser at sea, but compact
along shore. We went on. From 5:00 on, we began to encounter
larger pieces of ice than we had before. Along the coast the ice piled
up in mounds up to 14 ft. high. Bearded seals were common at sea
and on the ice.

Calm; clear; at 6:00 we put into shore. At sea the fragmented ice
was continuous to the N; it was impossible to get through by
baydara.

Today the whole crew had quite severe stomach aches.

July 14th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; cloudy; murky on the horizon. The ice to the N is im-
mobile; to the S it is moving. Lake depths measured 1 to 2 ft., not
enough for the baydara which can be rowed at speeds up to 1% miles
per hour in a calm. Owing to circumstances and on the basis of
instructions from the director of the main colony, to save time, the
expedition was divided into two parts. The baydara, under the com-
mand of the company factor Kulishev, was ordered to return south-
ward to latitude 69°25’N and to remain there at the stream until the
five baydarkas under the command of the leader of the expedition
returned.”

26 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Navigation Assistant Malakhov, the Chpagmiut, Utuktak, and
10 Aleuts ?' were to continue northward. On the baydara, besides
the factor, there were: the medical student, the baydara master, and
12 oarsmen; in all 15 men. They were charged with preserving as
many provisions as possible and to build a hut, in case the expedi-
tion were to spend the winter in this country.

From Noon

Having loaded four-week’s provisions in the baydarkas and taken
all the mathematical instruments, we departed: the baydara to the
south, the five baydarkas to the north.

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through. At 5:00
we passed Icy Cape and then, finding it impossible to make our way
farther through the ice, entered the lake, in which we often ran onto
sandbars and had to drag the baydarkas across them.”? At 9:00,
having passed an uncharted strait on a spit, which strait is the ninth
from the south end of the lake, we put into shore for a rest.

At 10:00 we set out, moving from the lake into the sea. At 11:00,
on passing a sizable village, we put into shore to calm the frightened
inhabitants. The settlement, called Kayakishgvigmiut, lies on the
north side of Icy Cape, from which the coast runs east.”? The settle-
ment has about 300 inhabitants; they are well built and appear to be
healthy; they belong to the Silalinagmiut tribe, which begins at
this settlement and continues northward along the coast. They
speak a Maligmiut dialect and are identical in appearance to the
Tykagmiuts we saw.

The Kayakishgvigmiuts were friendly; they warned us of the next
people, the Kakligmiuts, describing them as evil.**

Wind light; cloudy with the sun breaking through. We continued

our journey at midnight. The coast is littered with ice. We followed
a tortuous course amid the ice.

July 15th, From Midnight

At 1:45, because of the thick fog that suddenly reduced visibility
to no more than 70 ft., we began to seek a passage along the coast,
amid the ice; we landed at 2:00.

From Noon
Wind light; cloudy; horizon clearer. At 3:30 we set out to NE. At
4:45 the sandbar came to an end; the coastline was low; in places it
was marshy, in places sandy; in places there were small hillocks;

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 27

the lake could be seen beyond the lowland. At 6:00 we passed
through the tenth strait into the lake; from here the coast turned N.
A thick fog set in at 9:00. At 10:00, owing to the thick fog, we put
into shore, which consisted of coarse sand.

Fog clearing up. We set out.
July 16th, From Midnight

When the fog cleared away soon after midnight, we found our-
selves in a clear channel between a sandbar and small ice fields; the
channel being one-half to 1 mile wide. At 1:00 we began to encoun-
ter finer and more compact ice; we entered the lake by strait no. 11,
but 1% hr. later, because of shallow water, we put out to sea
through strait no. 12.

Little wind; cloudy. The channel between the shore and the large
ice masses was as much as three-quarters of a mile wide. At 5:00 we
stopped at a settlement situated on a steep bank rising to 20 ft.
above the sea. The settlement is called Kalymatagmiut; it has 25
inhabitants who belong to the Silalinagmiut tribe.”* In error, they
took us for their enemies the Kakligmiuts, but we placated them by
giving each person a leaf of tobacco. Long Lake ends at this settle-
ment.

We continued our journey at 8:00, accompanied by a native
baydara with seven savages. Their baydara was similar to that of
the Nadvyaks.

At 11:00 we put in at the mouth of Wainwright Inlet, which the
natives call Tutagvik.”© The native baydara also stopped here and
three of the savages set out on foot toward the head of the bay to the
summer camp Tutulivigmiut to invite the inhabitants to visit us.

Wind moderate; cloudy. The mouth of Tutagvik Bay appeared to
be shallow.

From Noon

At 7:00 two native baydaras with 28 men belonging to the
Silalinagmiut tribe came to us from the summer camp Tutulivig-
miut. The newly arrived savages proved to be bold and strongly
inclined to thievery. They live here only in summer; their winter
camp is to the north of us and is called Kullyulik’’; it is the last
Silalinagmiut settlement; beyond begins the Kakligmiut tribe.

Wind moderate; overcast. At 11:00 the savages set out for the

28 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

opposite side of the mouth of the bay and set up their night’s
lodgings under their baydaras, about a quarter of a mile from us.

July 17th, From Midnight

Our savages of the day before arrived at 6:00. We learned from
them that they do not know where trees grow and know of river
beaver only by hearsay. In the vicinity of the bay there are red and
silver foxes; and there are wolves. There are no fish in the bay. The
natives eat caribou all year, in summer there are many ducks; and
they hunt whales, bearded seals, and walruses at sea. From the set-
tlement Kilamitykagmiut”* the trend of the coast (as well as the
territory we have traversed thus far) coincides with Captain
Beechey’s map — it consists of sandy banks rising at times to
heights of 10 ft., and along the whole coast there is a beach up to 35
ft. wide on which there is an occasional piece of driftwood. The
ground is level, covered with tundra three-quarters of a foot thick,
below which is solid ice. Grass 2% in. long grows in the tundra.

We emerged from the bay at 6:45. Two of the native baydaras
accompanied us northward, while the third went south.

Three miles to the north of the mouth of Tutagvik Bay we passed
the winter settlement Kullyulik, which consists of 14 sod huts
situated on high banks about 12 ft. from the sea.?®? The savages
stopped at this settlement. The coast from this settlement north-
ward is monotonous, consisting of clayey and sand cliffs with a
sandy beach up to 70 ft. wide. There is fine stone coal on this beach,
apparently cast up from the sea bottom by the surf. At depths of
2% and 3 ft. beneath the surface of the beach there is ice.

Wind light; cloudy; the ice is fine and quite sparse. The sea

current has a noticeable northward trend from Kullyulik, but is not
strong.

From Noon

At 1:30 we passed an empty, abandoned settlement. At 2:00 we
landed on shore at a small hill; we had come 14 miles from Tutagvik
Bay.

At 4:00 we proceeded northward from the hill; the coast to the N
became lower, consisting of coarse sand and bits of stone coal.

At 6:00 we passed Point Belcher*’, on which is the first settlement
to the М, Atanyk [Atanik]*', occupied by a people belonging to the
Kakligmiut tribe (which begins at this settlement and continues

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30 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

northward). In language and appearance, the Kakligmiuts are very
similar to the Silalinagmiuts. The inhabitants of Atanik, taking us
for their enemies, the Tykagmiuts, met us with weapons in hand,
bows and arrows, but after we had explained our situation through
Utuktak (the Chpagmiut who accompanies us) they made friends
with us and each accepted a leaf of tobacco from us.*? We went on at
7:00. The ice became denser. At 8:45, having passed a sandy point,
we landed on the first (from the S) small island; it was impossible to
proceed farther through the ice.

Wind light; cloudy; thick fog on the horizon. Two one-hatch
baydarkas with two savages came toward us from Atanik; from
them we learned that the sandy point we had passed is called
Topkhak*®* by them, and that the islet on which we had landed is
called Pinishigiryu.** At 11:00 the savages returned to their settle-
ment.

July 18th, From Midnight

Little wind; thick fog; the ice along the coast is somewhat sparser
than yesterday. At 7:00 we set out toward Point Franklin.*®

At 10:45, since we could not make our way any farther north, and
without reaching Point Franklin, we put in at an islet consisting of
gray sand. On this small island there are three winter sod huts
completely fallen 11.3° The greatest elevation on this island is 2 ft.
above water level and at high water the sea floods it. There is no
driftwood or fresh water. Sea birds breed here and we found a few
of their eggs. At noon we determined our latitude to be 70°54/57”М
and, by chronometer, we determined our longitude to be 158°38’51”
W оп the map. The deviation of the compass was 38°22’E.

From Noon

Wind very light; cloudy. At 7:30 we set out across the lake to-
ward Peard Вау?’ with frequent stops because of shallows encoun-
tered enroute across the lake. At midnight we stopped at the
eastern corner of the lake on the shore, from which we could see
Peard Bay; however, it was completely covered with ice.

July 19th, From Midnight
Wind light; cloudy and overcast.

From Noon

Little wind; thick overcast and humid. Today, on surveying the

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 31

coast, we found there was continuous ice everywhere, beginning at
our landing, in latitude 70°53’N, tight against the shore, which
rises gradually and one verst from us reaches a height of 30 ft. above
sea level, comprising a flat elevation as far as the eye can see; and
several small lakes can be seen on this upland. The surface consists
of tundra 8 in. thick, beneath which is solid ice. Grass 2% to 3 in.
long grows on this tundra; no other plants are to be seen. In the
lake which forms small sandy islands that run from Point Franklin
to the SW and SE, and the coast running from Cape Topkhak
straight to the E, the depth is from one-half to 3 fathoms**; the bot-
tom is fine gray sand; in places the tops of the sandbanks have dried
out. In the straits between the islets the greatest depth is three-
fourths of a fathom.*°

July 20th, From Midnight

At 2:00, with a light NE wind and thick fog, the temperature
dropped to 1°R [+34°F]; at the same time the water temperature in
Реаг Bay, amid the compact ice, was -2°R [+31°F], in the ice-
free lake, it was +22 °В [+38°Е].

Wind light; cloudy with the sun breaking through. At 9:30 we
saw two savages in the tundra and invited them to come to us, but,
since they were very timid and mistrustful of us, we dismissed them
so that they could invite others of their comrades who, they told us,
were hunting caribou in the tundra.

From Noon

At 4:00 natives, 10 men and six women, came to us together with
the savages we had sent off in the morning. They were all from the
settlement Atanik; they were returning to their dwellings from
Point Barrow, which they call Kiballyu,*° and because of compact
ice had been forced to stop at a small stream which they call Iona-
gimzhva,*' 6 miles north of our landing.

Little wind and heavy overcast. The savages who had been with
us returned to their camp. They displayed an inclination toward
thievery.

July 21th, From Midnight

At 8:00 the wind began to blow from the south, by nine it had
shifted to west; moderate wind; cloudy; fog ceased.

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VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 33

From Noon

Little wind; cloudy. Savages, about 14 men and eight women,
altogether 25 persons with the children, arrived from Ionagimzhva.
Among them was a man called Pukak, who was revered in Atanik,
and two persons from the next settlement to the north of us,
Utkiagvik;* they all belong to the Kakligmiut tribe. From them,
and particularly from Pukak, we learned that the sea coast from
Point Kiballyu suddenly, having taken a turn to the E, runs first
straight for one-day’s baydara journey and then, in great bends,
continues in that direction to the Big (Kvikhpak) River, of which
they have heard, but none has been that {аг.*° According to Pukak,
a numerous people lives on that river, and large fish live in its
waters.

Beyond that river they know nothing of the direction of the coast-
line or of its inhabitants, nor have they heard anything about them.
In the other direction, to the S, they know only the places as far as
Chamisso Island, which they call Kikokhtak and which in Kodiak
means island.**

From Pukak we learned that in the past summer people similar to
us, who called themselves Kalikagmiuts, had arrived at Point
Kiballyu (Barrow) from the east. One of the savages immediately
showed us a scrap of paper obtained from a Kalikagmiut inhabitant
of Point Barrow. This proved to be from our manuscript calendar
of 1836 and on it a half diameter of the sun was indicated. This
scrap paper was one of those which the Nushagak interpreter, the
creole Lukin, had distributed to coastal inhabitants of North
America in 1836, to whom he had gone at that time with the sole
purpose of expanding the trade of his post on the Kuskokwim
River with the natives, wishing by distributing these papers to
leave evidence behind him; and in the process he called himself a
Kalikagmiut, composing this word from two Kodiak words: kaliga,
which means paper, a letter, a book, etc., which applies only to let-
ters (this word entered the Aleut language after the arrival of the
Russians), and gmiut, which is added without fail by the Kodiaks
and by all the inhabitants of the northwest coast of America from
Kodiak northward, to the ending of the name of a tribe of people and
often to the name of a settlement.**

The director of Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt, Fedor Kolmakov, had
told me about the distribution of such scraps of paper, specifically
from the manuscript marine calendar, by the Numagak [Nushagak]

34 ЕТЕГОТАМА: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

interpreter Lukin to the inhabitants of the northern coast of
America and that Lukin had reached that coast in 1836, having set
out from the mouth of the Khulitna [Holitna] River for the north in
the middle of July of that year and returned at the beginning of
October, 1837. However, since the interpreter Lukin had been on
the Kuskokwim River at that time, it had been impossible to verify
the story then. This sheet of paper from the manuscript calendar
of the schooner Kvikhpak (under my command in 1836) by chance
got into the hands of the director of the Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt,
Kolmakov, who sent it to Lukin at the beginning of July in a pack-
age and Lukin got this, with Russian letters, according to Kolma-
kov, and Lukin could add nothing to it on reaching the northern
coast because he had neither pencil nor ink.*®

Pukak also told me that he was now returning directly by water
to his home, Atanik, whence in spring he and his children had come
on foot over the ice, taking with them a baydara and reached the
settlement Nuatagmiut at the mouth of a quite large river, which,
according to Pukak, is an eight to 10 days baydara trip to the east of
Kiballyu. Nuatagmiut is a temporary settlement; toward summer
all the tundra inhabitants gather there in considerable numbers and
then in summer spread along the northern coast for the sea hunt;*’
by autumn some of them move to Point Barrow, where all the
Kakligmiuts gather at that time of year for the whale hunt. When
winter comes, the tundra people go home. Pukak called the tundra
peoples Kakligmiut-Pya (the true, or native Kakligmiuts, from the
word pya, which means root in the Kodiak language). From them
he obtained a small piece of river beaver [skin], which is a great
rarity among the local Kakligmiuts.**

The Kakligmiut Pukak, who appeared to be about 45 years old,
remembered well that Kakligmiuts used to live on the sandy islets
on which we saw the inundated sod huts. But since these islands
began to be reduced by high water driven by strong winds from the
SW in autumn, the inhabitants had moved to Atanik and Utkiag-
vik. Inthe dry summer time, the wind carried off sand from the sur-
face of these small islands, and during high water the ice further
reduced their height.*? Driftwood arrives from north and south. In
Peard Bay, in the course of two days, we noted that the water rose
for 18 hr. running, increasing 10 in. by measure, then began to
decrease even more slowly.

In the vicinity of our camp we saw several red foxes and caribou;
we heard the howling of wolves, but did not encounter any. In

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 35

winter sometimes polar bears come here, and they have been known
to attack people.

Wind light; cloudy; at times light rain; the ice on the coast has
begun to move.

July 22nd, From Midnight

At 2:00 the savages went home and we began to prepare for
departure.

Wind light; cloudy; the ice has become sparser along the coast.
We continue north.

At 6:00 we passed a camp of natives who entreated us not to put
out to sea because we could easily perish amid the fine, compact ice,
which is dangerous for baydarka travel.

At 9:00 the ice became somewhat sparser and travel safe. At
11:00, having got out of the compact ice and having entered a clear
channel between the shore and the large blocks of the ice fields, we
put into shore for rest at 71°01’N. From Peard Bay to this latitude
the coast consists of clayey cliffs up to 35 ft. high, beneath which is
a beach up to 55 ft. wide, consisting of soft clay. In many places
along the coast there are gulleys with streams of pure water, and at
their mouths a beach of coarse sand or fine stones suitable for
landing. There is less driftwood on the beach than in the ravines in
which, in places, the wood lies about 4 ft. above the sea. The top of
the cliffs is level, covered with tundra about 6 in. thick, beneath
which is solid ice. On the tundra there is grass, barely perceptible,
and a delicate, spreading willow bed, as well as occasional flowers—
white, yellow, and sky-blue—with stems about 3 in. long.

From Noon

Wind fresh with gusts; cloudy with the sun breaking through;
breakers. At 4:30 we set out to the north along the coast, through a
clear channel between the coast and the ice. Captain Beechey’s
map is accurate in all details.

Soon driving rain in squalls from the NE.
At midnight we stopped at Utkiagvik village, on Cape Smyth.*°

From the last stopover to this cape, the coast, as before, is ele-
vated, reaching heights of 45 ft. above sea level and consists of clay
and solid ice; beneath the cliffs is a beach consisting of sand and
gravel that reaches widths of 35 ft. Northward from Cape Smyth

36 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

the coast suddenly becomes lower. The settlement Utkiagvik is
quite considerable; however, all but 14 of its inhabitants were
afield.*' They belong to the Kakligmiut tribe.

July 23rd, From Midnight

At 1:30 we made for Point Barrow, which, on Captain Beechey’s
map is in latitude 71°25’N, longitude 156°10’W.* Wind light;
cloudy. In 45 min. we had passed Point Barrow, from which we be-
gan our description of the coast, which suddenly turned E by N
1/20, according to the compass. From Cape Smyth we traveled 8
to 10 Italian miles by log and then ran parallel to Point Barrow and
found that Point Barrow on Captain Beechey’s map is about 312’
north of our calculated latitude; however, inasmuch as we attri-
buted this difference to the northward flow of the sea current, which
we have noted is very weak and cannot be determined accurately,
we accepted the position of Point Barrow on Beechey’s map as the
starting point of our description. Having gone 1 mile from Point
Barrow, we passed a sizable settlement, Nugmiut, consisting of
more than 20 winter sod huts; it belongs to the Kakligmiuts, most
of whom were away on the caribou hunt at the time.** The coast
is monotonous, consisting of gravel rising from 6 to 8 ft. above
water level. A half mile past the settlement we passed through a
strait 350 ft. wide; it separates a low sandy islet from the coast;
over a distance of 3 miles from this islet we passed two more narrow
straits which separate three low, sandy islets. We landed on the last
of these, the fourth from the Point. It is 420 ft. long and 140 ft.
wide. These islets rise 2 to 4 ft. above sea level. From the last one
we took a bearing on the settlement on the right bank of Point
Barrow and found it to be SW 76°, 3% Italian miles away. As we
rounded Point Barrow, 32 natives in two baydaras came out from
the settlement toward us and despite our kindnesses and gifts they
insolently moved toward us and were about to release a cloud of
arrows at us, but their insolence ceased when they saw that we were
ready to defend ourselves.** At 5:00 the wind suddenly freshened
from the W; to the E everything was covered by a dense fog.

Wind fresh; overcast and fine rain. At 8:00 the same two bayda-
ras came from Nugmiut under gut sails mounted on two poles; how-
ever, they stopped to W of us on the nearest islet. Just before 10:00,
by chronometer we found our longitude to be 156°25'15’W, calcu-
lating by Point Barrow our longitude is 156°06’W. Deviation of the
compass, 39°34’E.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 37

Wind fresh; cloudy with the sun breaking through occasionally;
fog on the horizon. Not seeing the coast to the E, we set out SE by
E from the last islet. In half an hour we saw the coast enroute. At
11:30 we landed on a small point along the coast.** At noon we
observed our latitude to be 71°15’13”М; a compass sighting of the
sun showed it to be SE 41'2°. Compass bearings: the point is W by
S 82° at a distance of three-fourths mile. To the E there is a point at
70°NE, 2 miles away by sight estimate. Between these points and
the observed one there are shallow and shoaly bays; there is a small
stream to the W. The depths, from the last islet, the fourth, to the
observed cape ran 1%, 2%, 1%, and 1% fathoms; the bottom con-
sists of sand.

From Noon

At 12:15 we set out for the first point, 70° to the NE of us. As
1:00 approached, having passed the point, we continued ESE until
1:45, then, passing 2% miles from the traverse of the first point, we
stopped at the fourth small point beyond the observed one and took
our bearings; the second point was 66° to NW, the third point was
75° to NW, and the fifth was 27° to NE, the latter being a quarter of
a mile away. The coastline between the observed point and the four
points consisted of silt, with a bank 2 to 5 ft. high, from which there
extended a shoal about one-half mile from shore. There were no
landings suitable for baydarkas. On the surface of the ground,
which is covered with tundra 3 in. thick underlain by solid ice, there
is a scarcely perceptible grass, some small flowers — white, sky-
blue, and yellow — and small wild mushrooms. We saw caribou and
wolf tracks. Of birds, we saw the brown owl. There is a small fresh-
water stream at our halting place. Very little driftwood is in
evidence. A multitude of small lakes runs inland, but nowhere is
there the slightest elevation, except that extending gradually
toward Cape Smyth.

Between points 4 and 5 there is a bay, evidently running inland,
whose eastern shore trends SE 28°.°° No rise or fall of the water is
evident. Wind fresh; cloudy. At 11:45 we shoved off and headed for
the fifth point on a course NE 27° and soon began to pass the mouth
of the bay between the fourth and fifth points; the head of the bay
could not be seen. We called this bay Prokofev, in honor of the
Director of the Main Administration of the Russian-American
Company.*’ Wind light; cloudy; fog on the horizon, the coastline is
barely visible.

38 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

July 24th, From Midnight

At 12:45, having passed the fourth point at a distance of 1%
miles, we stopped at the fifth point to wait out the dense fog. The
greatest depth at the mouth of the Prokofev Bay proved to be 1%
fathoms; the bottom is gray sand. The fifth point comprises a
narrow band of low boggy coast; in places it is covered with light
grass and occasionally flowers. The lake water is brackish. There is
very little driftwood. When the fog cleared, we took our bearing
from Point 5:°° Point 4 was 24° to SW; Point 3 was 49° to SW;
Point 2 was 67° to SW; Point 6 was 79° to NE, and the last point
visible on the coast was 69° to NE. At sea there is a small island,
which at first seemed to be another point, 27° to NW. Between
points 5 and 6 there is a narrow bay which runs inland 59° SE along
the eastern shore of Point 5, but we could not see the head of this
bay.°? At 2:45 we set out for the small island 27%2° to NW and,
having proceeded 1% miles from Point 5, we stopped at the island
toward 3:00; the island consists of coarse sand; it is low, and in all
aspects is like the small islands along the east side of Point Barrow.
A series of similar islets runs E by S. Because the neighboring
shoreline is so low, we could not find a point on it from which we
could take our bearings from the island. Between Point 5 and the
island the depths varied from one-half to 2 fathoms; the bottom was
fine gray sand.

Wind light; cloudy; fog on the horizon at times. We proceeded
from the islet along the south side of the sand banks or sandy islets
on acourse E by S. Following this course, two miles from the islet,
at 4:00, we passed the traverse of Point 6 and at the same time
crossed the sand bank. This same course, E by S, leads from Point
5 to the coast; the bearing on Point 5 is NE 69°, it being the last one
before land’s end to the E.

Soon the islets began to trend northward, being a mile from us at
nearest. Ice mountains [probably grounded ice] were visible beyond
them to the N. At 5:45 we proceeded from the islet at which we had
stopped and at 6:30 approached Point 7, which consisted of a clay
cliff up to 12 ft. high, beneath which was a beach about 14 ft. wide,
consisting of sand and fine, brick-colored stone. The bearing on this
point from Point 5 was 69° to NE; however, because the coastline
was so low, we could not detect either Point 5 or 6 from here. In
general, the coast from Point 6 toward Point 7 rises and is drier
than the former; no driftwood is to be seen. Point 7 is blunt and

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40 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

runs almost parallel for 280 ft.; on both sides of it there are small
bays and the shoreline descends. From atop Point 7 no elevations
of any kind could be seen along the coast. From the islet to Point 7,
the ocean depth is no more than 2 fathoms; the bottom is sand
everywhere. From Point 7 we set out for the next point, which we
sighted 62° to the NE of the last point, and from it the bearing on
the continuation of the coast from Point 7 was 56° to NE. Proceed-
ing three-quarters of a mile on course 62° NE, we found that in that
direction what we had seen was not a point but an elevation about
6 ft. high on the low coast near the sea. We continued to the end of
the coastline, which we came abreast of at 6:00 when we were 1 mile
from this elevation. This turned out to be a low point, on which it
was impossible to land. The west shore of this point, Point 8 in this
description, runs SSE, the east shore runs ESE. From it, 140 ft. to
WNW there is a small sandy island about 175 ft. in circumference.
Points 8 and 7 outline a bay which extends in a regular, shallow arc
into the coastline.

Continuing to round Point 8 along the coast, we sailed on a course
ESE about 15 ft. from the coast; having proceeded thus for 1 mile
we came to Point 9, which rose as much as 6 ft. above the sea. From
this point, called Stepov in honor of Lieutenant General Stepov,
Knight and Inspector of the Corps of Navigators, the coast
stretches 42° SE and ends in a bend 62° to SE, beyond which we
could not see the coast.°° From Point Stepov the coast begins to
descend and on reaching sea level becomes swampy. In places it
consists of liquid mud and silt, beneath which, at a depth of 3 in.,
there is solid ice. Continuing 2 miles from Point Stepov and finding
a suitable place for a landing, at 7:00 we put into shore without
reaching the last point we had seen.

From Noon

At 5:00, having a light wind from SW, we proceeded ESE when
the fog on the horizon cleared. We noted sand banks a mile from
shore. Having proceeded 1 miles, we began to steer SE along the
coast, which till now had been 7 ft. high in places and in places was
at water level.

For 1 mile the coast ran SE by S, for three-quarters of a mile it
ran S by Е И Е, for three-quarters of a mile $ by Е with a small
bay. Having proceeded three-quarters of a mile in this direction, we
put in on a small point about 3 ft. above sea level, to survey the

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 41

area. Everywhere the coast consists of thin tundra. There is по
driftwood. There are no freshwater streams.

The shoreline continues to trend SW; to the S we sighted and took
bearings on two river mouths; W by SW 25° and Е by SE 48°; we
were 3 Italian miles from the latter. From these river mouths the
coast runs NE and ends in a steep cape 85° to the SE of us. We set
out for it at 7:00. Having covered 5 miles proceeding SE 85°, at 9:00
we put in at a point consisting of a clayey cliff as much as 8 ft. high;
from it we went NNW to another steep cape, toward which the
coast forms a regular bay beginning at the first steep point or cape.
Nowhere did we find depths greater than 2 fathoms and the water
was rather fresh around the first steep cape. The bottom consisted
of fine sand in places and of silt in other places.

Having proceeded 3% miles, we came to the second steep cape,
which rose 7 ft. above the water. Near this cape, to the E, there were
four native tents. From the cape we went north along the steep
coast.

Wind light; overcast and rain.

July 25th, From Midnight

At 12:30, having traveled 3% miles, we passed a second summer
camp consisting of five tents, from which three baydaras with
natives followed us. At 1:00, having continued for another 1%
miles, we landed on a low narrow point. From there we took our
bearings: there was a sandy islet 1/2 miles to the УХ, the coast ran
SE 6° toward the second steep cape; the coast ran E by N 18° and
after 700 ft. trends ENE and soon, turning to the SE, we lost
sight of it in the fog. This cape was named in honor of Baron
Wrangell, former Chief Administrator of the Colonies, Rear Ad-
miral, and Knight.*' It consists of gray sand; from the shore for
350 ft. there is bog everywhere, 4 to 5 in. thick, with solid ice be-
neath. There is little driftwood, no vegetation, and no good fresh
water nearby. Soon after we landed, the aforementioned three
native baydaras put in at Cape Wrangell. From these savages, who
belong to the Kakligmiut tribe and who have their winter quarters
at Nugmiut on Point Barrow, we learned that the sandy islet we had
seen to the W of us is the last of the series of islets that run straight
from Point Barrow and that the sea coast from Cape Wrangell,
which has a general eastward trend, becomes winding and forms
broad gulfs. The gulf between Point Stepov and Cape Wrangell,

42 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

which we saw, has no other name among the natives than tachik,
which means gulf or bay, therefore we named it for the Chief Admi-
nistrator of the Colonies, First Captain of the Guards and Knight,
Kupreyanov. The savages sold us several fresh fish similar to
whitefish.

At 5:30 the savages departed for their summer camp. They tried
to steal our chronometer, thermometer, and expedition log, but we
forced them to return the things they had stolen. Following this, the
savages began to threaten to attack us in large numbers and they
tried to talk Utuktak, the savage who accompanied us, into leaving
us, threatening that in a few days, when all the Kakligmiuts were to
gather on Point Barrow for the whale hunt (which takes place every
autumn when the sea ice permits), we would be taken prisoner; they
said that more than 20 baydaras would gather at the point and they
all would attack us. We had already heard from the Silalinagmiuts
that the Kakligmiuts all gather at Point Barrow for the whale hunt
at the beginning of August when the sea ice around that point
breaks up sufficiently to provide a clear passage for whales. The
Silalinagmiuts conduct the whale hunt at the beginning of summer
when the ice moves, which one may conclude from their stories, does
not take place before June. After the ice moves out from shore, they
stop the hunt until autumn when the ice driving toward shore again
allows them to kill whales. None of the local inhabitants, neither
Kakligmiut nor Silalinagmiut, dare to go far out to sea in their
baydarkas.

Wind light; overcast; intermittent rain.

From Noon

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through. Yester-
day’s guests, men only and 40 of them, came to us. Each carried a
bow in hand and had a quiver full of arrows on his back, in addition
to a knife— which the savage is never without and which hangs from
his side in a sheath.

The savages continued to approach us one by one and the number
of natives kept increasing and increasing, and as their numbers
increased so did their audacity. As each new savage arrived, they
all insistently demanded that we give them tobacco, and although
we had already given them tobacco, they let us know that they were
dissatisfied or they laughed at our presents. The Chpagmiut, Utuk-
tak, who accompanied us, became convinced, after our negotiations

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 43

with the Kakligmiuts, that if we tarried here any longer the savages
would attack us to steal our things, which they had not seen but
imagined to be copious and were tempted by them. We were led to
believe or at least strongly suspect that the intentions of the sav-
ages were unfriendly or inclined that way, as evidenced not only by
their behavior with us, but by the fact that this time they had not
brought their women or children with them. Further, the respected
Kakligmiut, Negubanna, who tried more than the others to talk
Utuktak into leaving us, repeated that his kinsmen had evil in-
tentions toward us and that they were only waiting until there were
enough of them to attack us.®* At that time a baydara with four men
and a woman arrived from the east; they approached our baydarkas
without invitation and began examining them boldly.

We could halt the audacity of the savages only with force; our
kind treatment of them had not disposed them toward friendship.
The position of the expedition had become highly doubtful, the more
so because the Aleuts who rowed our baydarkas were convinced
that the savages were invincible because of their numbers, their
powerful builds, the fact that they were used to danger, and besides
they were not tired as were the Aleuts. For these reasons, at 4:30
we set out to the south to change our position. However, the sav-
ages pursued us in their baydarkas, and asked us where we were
going. In passing the summer camp of the natives, we noticed un-
usual activity there. New ones were probably arriving (for all those
we knew were chasing us); they were taking down their tents rap-
idly and loading their things post-haste into their baydaras.
Several savages ran along shore, carrying light baydarkas. At 5:30,
in trying to elude the baydaras that were chasing us, we moved out
from shore оп acourse WNW % W. At this moment a very thick fog
suddenly set in, limiting visibility to less than 150 ft. and we fol-
lowed our previous course along the coast southward for 2% miles.

Wind fresh; heavy overcast; intermittent rain. Toward 8:00, after
proceeding 5 miles WNW ‘2 W, we passed the last sandy islet to the
E of Point Barrow. The native baydaras had put in on this island
because of the high waves, so that we could not put in there. We
could not proceed to the east because of a fresh head wind, heavy
seas, thick fog, and our ignorance of the route. It would not have
been prudent to land on shore after all we had witnessed from the
natives. The large numbers and very unfriendly attitude of the
inhabitants put an end to further progress of the expedition; we

44 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

were forced to return and we proceeded WSW % W along a narrow
sandy islet 4 ft. high on its north side; the sea was free of ice to the
east of it. By 9:00 we began to hold W by S, covering another half-
mile of our previous course, when the island to the south of us was
lost from view; very low ice islands appeared. Up to that point,
following our first course, the ocean depth was negligible and
ranged irregularly from 1 to 3 fathoms; everywhere the bottom was
sand. From here on, however, the ocean depth increased and was
regularly 6 or 7 fathoms.

At 10:45, after we had gone 7% miles W Бу 5, we sighted the third
island from the east, which trends W by М % У; we proceeded in
this direction and along the north shore of the island. At 11:30,
having traveled 4 miles on this course, we landed on the island. It is
560 ft. wide at its widest, in places rising 4 ft. above sea level and
at that height grass 1% to 2 in. long grows here and there, traces of
breakers can be seen in the low places—they spill over from the sea
during stout winds from the north. This island, as all the preceding
ones, consists of gravel and gray sand. There is no driftwood any-
where.

Wind light; overcast and rain; at midnight we moved along the
north shore of the island W by М % W.

July 26th, From Midnight

We followed the course W by N 2 W along the island till 4:00; 6
~ miles from the landing the island trended SW and was soon lost
from view. We sighted Point Barrow at a distance of 3 miles.

Wind and weather as before. The ocean depth here began to de-
crease regularly to 4% fathoms; everywhere the bottom was sand.
When taking the depth measurements, we were about 1,000 ft. off
the north shore of the island. We could no longer hold a straight
course on account of the ice; we rounded Point Barrow in a twisting
path among the ice; the irregular movement of the ice made it diffi-
cult to determine the route. Here we ended our description of the
north coast of America.**

Wind moderate; overcast; rain. At 6:30, with Point Barrow to
the NE, we proceeded about 2 miles to the S. The ice became more
compact. As we approached the coast, the ocean depth gradually
decreased and 3% miles out the ice rested on a shoal stretching to
one-half mile from shore. Small pieces of ice filled the interval be-
tween the large ice floes and shore.

VANSTONE: КАЗНЕУАКОУ'$ EXPLORATIONS, 1838 45

Wind moderate; overcast and rain. At 11:00 we came within а
mile of Cape Smyth.

Wind light; overcast; intermittent rain; we passed the settlement
Utkiagvik.

From Noon

At 12:30, threatened by the ice, we approached the coast within
one-half mile of the settlement. Eight savages with arrows and
spears approached us from the settlement and were ready to shoot
at us, but seeing our readiness to defend ourselves, they let us alone.
We were quite successful in making our way close by the coast to S.
At 3:00, 10 miles south of Cape Smyth, it became impossible to go
any farther through the ice; the compact ice pressed tight against
the shore. From the cliff we could see that the ice was somewhat
less compact two miles at sea, but we could find no way to get there
and we sighted surf out there. We landed.

Wind light; overcast and humid. By the map we should be in
Refuge Вау,°° but we cannot see it near us; perhaps the ice has
blocked its entrance; we cannot see it ahead of us either.

July 27th, From Midnight

A slight wind from the SE moved the ice a bit so that at 2:30 we
set out to find a passage in the sea, by a winding path about 7 ft.
wide among the ice.

At 3:30, after moving out 1% miles from the coast, we emerged
safely from the ice into the open, but here, because of the surf, the
ice floe was constantly breaking up and we nearly lost one of the
baydarkas, the one with the interpreter Obukhov. We proceeded S
one-half mile from the floes, which were packed tightly against the
shore.

Wind light; overcast. At 7:00, having got by the compact ice, we
stopped at a small stream to dry our clothes. There was plenty of
driftwood at the mouth of this streamlet.

From Noon

Wind light; cloudy; overcast on the horizon. We traveled south,
in an hour we had left the ice to the north of us; to the south the sea
is clear of ice as far as the eye can see.

46 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

July 28th, From Midnight
At 2:00 we landed at Peard Bay to rest.

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through; no ice
visible in the sea.

From Noon
At 8:00 we set out by lake to the SW.

July 29th, From Midnight

At 2:00 we landed on Pinishigigiryu Island. Calm; cloudy; no ice
to be seen in the sea. At 3:00, having left the lake, we went by sea
southward along the coast. At 5:30 we landed at Atanik, whose
inhabitants greeted us cordially. Here, we learned from the natives
that every year strong winds from the SW raise the water level 5 ft.
along the coastline, as indicated by markers. At that time the drift-
wood lying on the low ground and carried by the sea either from the
south or the north is deposited on the coastal elevations where it
remains when the water recedes. This is probably the reason why
there is driftwood here, for without this chance rise of the water
there would not always be enough driftwood here for the needs of
the inhabitants.

Calm; cloudy; overcast on the horizon. At 6:00 we left Atanik
and went south.

We spent from 8:45 till 11:00 on shore to repair one of the bay-
darkas.

From Noon
At 3:30 we passed Tutagvik Bay.

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through; fog on the
horizon. At 6:30 we arrived at the village of Ksigamestakgmiut, in
which, at the wish of the inhabitants who greeted us cordially, we
stopped to rest.°°

July 30th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; few clouds; sunshine; intermittent fog. Our: com-
panion, the savage Utuktak, who spent the entire time with the
natives, both Kakligmiut and Silalinagmiut, and, at my request,
probed into their customs, beliefs, way of life, and various things
connected with their daily life, informed me that everything is the

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 47

same with them as with the coastal inhabitants of Norton Sound
and Kotzebue Sound. The staple of the inhabitants, Silalinagmiut
and Kakligmiut, is the caribou, which is abundant here, especially
in summer when the days are hot; then the caribou, bothered by
multitudes of mosquitoes in the tundra, run in large herds toward
the coast, seeking coolness there. The natives kill them with arrows
or try to drive them into the lake, where, approaching them in light
baydarkas, they spear them. In winter, when the snow is deep, the
natives dig wolf pits in the snow, into which the caribou fall and be-
come certain prey for the savages.°’ In summer the caribou meat is
dried on racks and kept for use. In fall and spring, when the ice is
constantly moving, the natives hunt at sea among the ice; they
kill whales, bearded seals, and walruses, whose meat they store in
ice holes dug into the tundra. In general, in the matter of storing
provisions, the local savages are extremely unsanitary. The wea-
pons of the natives consist of the bow and arrow, and spears of
caribou bone. The local inhabitants handle these weapons very
skillfully: an arrow released from a bow with ordinary force travels
distances of 560 to 630 ft. In our presence they hit a target at 67
paces with a stiff cross wind blowing. According to the natives, they
can send an arrow straight through a caribou at close range.** They
had never seen firearms before we came. They get iron spears,
knives, and metal objects in general by trading with the inhabitants
of Bering Strait and Kotzebue Sound, where they also get Cherkass
tobacco, for which they have a great passion.°? Here we bought а
one-hatch baydarka, the kind which is used by both Silalinagmiut
and Kakligmiut for hunting caribou in lakes. At 4:00 we set out
southward from Kilamytakagmiut,”’ but at 6:00 we had to land to
repair one of the baydarkas.

Wind moderate; cloudy; fog on the horizon. We pushed off at
7:30 and in half an hour entered the lake by the first strait from the
north, that is, the twelfth from the south. At 8:45 we landed on the
mainland on the east side of Long Lake. The wind freshened, being
a headwind, and the fog was thick.

From Noon

Wind fresh; overcast and humid.

July 31st, From Midnight
Wind fresh; clear. At noon the observed latitude was 70°22’

48 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

34’N; longitude, by chronometer, 160°26’30’W (by map, 160°-
38”М); compass deviation, 38°14’E.
From Noon

Wind fresh; few clouds; sunshine; breakers.

August Ist, From Midnight

Wind moderate; cloudy; lighter surf. At 5:00 we set off S by W
across the lake. At 5:30, beyond the shallows, we exited from Long
Lake into the sea through the second strait from the north. A fresh
whale lay cast up on the beach; the greater part of it had been cut
away by the natives. Continuing to row to the south along the coast,
we traveled between a spit and the underwater sandbars that run
parallel to the coast and 70 to 100 ft. from it.

At 9:30 we landed on the spit to make observations and to rest.

Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine. At noon the observed
latitude was 70°19’18”М, the longitude by chronometer was 160°-
52’27’W (by тар, 161°14’W). Compass deviation, 46°6’E. Accord-
ing to the compass, the spit runs NNE and SSW, on a perpendicular
to the mainland 1% miles; the gravel on the spit is 3% feet thick,
beneath it is solid ice.

From Noon

At 1:15 we set out to the SSW by sea, along the coast, and a
quarter of an hour later, having progressed about three-quarters of
a mile, we began to row SW by S. The look of the coast has changed;
it consists of gray sand with hillocks, comprising a long narrow
band 70 ft. wide, beyond which Long Lake can be seen. The coast
ends 1 mile to SSW, as a strait into the lake.

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through. At 3:30,
proceeding SW by S, we approached a hillock from which the coast
runs east to the aforementioned strait. From this hillock to the west
the coast runs SW by W % УХ; half a mile farther, SW by W; a mile
farther, WSW;; and 3 miles farther it began to trend SW. Not far
from shore there was an underwater sandbank on which a small
breaker could be seen. At 5:00 we landed on a spit. On the mainland,
to the southeast of us, we could see a large native summer camp.’!

Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine. At 10:00, when the surf
had subsided completely, we continued to the southwest.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 49

August 2nd, From Midnight

At 12:30, having proceeded 6 miles from the last stop, we passed
the settlement Kayakishgvigmiut,” in which there was not a single
person. Then the coast turned $ by W % W. At 1:30, having pro-
ceeded 2% miles from the settlement, we came abreast of a strait
and continuing 1% miles S by E, we landed on the south shore of
this strait from the lake side. The coast on the sea side runs SW 15’.

At noon we observed the latitude to be 70°17’28”М, longitude by
chronometer 161°52’45’ W (by map, 161°45’W). Compass deviation,
37°44’E. The compass bearing on Kayakishgvigmiut, near the
north side of Icy Cape, was NE 1°. From our position we deter-
mined that Icy Cape is in latitude 70°20’20”М; longitude, by
chronometer, 161°45'13’’W.

From Noon

At 12:30 we set out SE across the lake. Wind light; few clouds;
sunshine.

At 9:00 we landed on the mainland.

August 3rd, From Midnight
At 4:30 we set out across the lake to the south.

At 11:00 we landed on a spit to make observations. We crossed
over to the sea coast, which is about 1,000 ft. from the lake shore.
The sea coast runs southward, SE 24° to N, NW 11°, and on the
map this is Point Lay. Four low islets lie in the lake, one-half mile to
the south of us.

At noon the observed latitude was 69°48’41”М; longitude, by
chronometer, 162°45’48’’W (on map, 162°44’W). Compass deviation,
36°34’E.

From Noon

At 12:45 we set out across the lake to the south. At 6:00 we pass-
ed the marker left on the spit by our baydara crew on their return
trip to the south end of the lake.

Little wind; few clouds; sunshine. At 8:00 we landed on a small
point on the east shore of the lake. Today, during our trip down the
lake, most of the time we had to drag our baydarkas over the shoals;
we killed a caribou.

50 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

August 4th, From Midnight
At 5:00 we set out to the south along the lake.

Wind moderate; clear. At 8:15 we joined our baydara crew which
had set up a camp at the designated place. Two of them were sick,
but everything had gone well with them since we parted.” They
arrived here on July 16th.

From Noon

Wind barely perceptible; cloudy.
August 5th, From Midnight

At noon, from two observations, we determined our latitude to be
69°24/47”М; longitude, by chronometer, 162°50’32’’'W (on the map,
162°56’W). Compass deviation, 32°52’E.

Following instructions, the baydara crew had built a hut, 14 ft.
long, of hewn driftwood at this site, in case we had to winter here;
they had gathered the driftwood over a distance of five versts along
the lake shore to the north and south. Grass grows here. The ground
consists of tundra three-quarters of a foot thick, beneath which is
ice. The length of the grass increases inland, reaching 6 in. farther
from the coast. Besides this grass, about two versts from the shore-
line on the banks of the stream on which our camp is located, occa-
sionally we found camomile, wormwood, a wild tasteless sorrell,
culinary roots similar to those known in Sitka as Kolomnas, and
earth incense. All these are small in size and quantity. On the small
lakes, in the swamp, here and there on the low parts of the east
shore of the lake there is yellow or black clay; we burned a small
quantity of the yellow clay taken from the lake and converted it into
a metal similar to tin. However, we were never able to repeat this
experiment. Occasionally, we found stone coal or various stones,
which we took as samples. These were on the low parts of the lake
shore. The lake water is brackish, since the lake communicates with
the sea through numerous straits, which, it would seem, form
randomly.

We got the following picture from what the factor, Kulishev,
said: on the night of July 20, near our hut, the surface of the tundra
was covered with flowers of three or four species, which had wither-
ed by August 5. A day’s walk from our camp on the tundra, between
the mountains that run eastward from Cape Beaufort, they had seen
a sizable stream flowing northeast (later we learned that this is the
river of the Utukagmiuts).”*

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 51

From Noon

Wind light; cloudy. We spent the day here to give the Aleuts a
rest and to repair one of the baydarkas.

August 6th, From Midnight

Little wind; cloudy. At 5:00 we began to prepare for departure.
Placing the baydara at anchor in deep water, we transported the
freight in portions across the sandbars in a small baydara which we
had built here for use around the hut.

Our careful observations conducted to date had not revealed any
regular rise and fall of water in the lake; when the winds were from
the south the water rose, when they were from the north it fell,
depending on the wind force, but, in general, these changes were
negligible; on June 25 the water rose 2 ft. with a fresh wind from the
south.

At 9:00, after making observations and leaving the lake, we
traveled south along the coast. Three observations made here
showed that chronometer no. 1101 fell 2:52 behind mean time
0*30”10*.51 per 24 hr.

Wind moderate; clear.

From Noon

At 12:30 the wind suddenly stiffened and a thick fog formed.
At 1:45 the increasingly heavy surf prevented us from continuing
along the coast. We put in to shore at a small stream, which accor-
ding to our calculations, is in latitude 69°10'N.

August 7th, From Midnight
Wind fresh; thick fog, heavy surf.

From Noon

Stiff wind; few clouds; sunshine; fog on the horizon and over the
mountains; surf. Today, when the fog cleared, we saw mountains to
the south, running northeast from Cape Beaufort.’> We climbed the
nearest ridge of these mountains, about four versts away, and at
about 100 ft. above sea level we found several thin layers of earth,
in general about 9 in. thick, beneath which there is 2 to 3 in. of quite
hard silt, also in very thin layers; below this there is a foot of soft ice
mixed with silt; below that is solid ice which can barely be smashed
with a pick. The upper layer of soil was blackish-red, mixed with

52 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

crumpled and rotted grass; the subsequent layers of earth were
mixed with thin roots, also decomposed. From the foot of the moun-
tains to the sea coast, the surface of the earth consists of thin tun-
dra dotted with small lakes peculiar to the tundra of this territory.
The lakes which we studied were up to 22 ft. deep, with a solid ice
bottom, which, when struck with a pick, sounded like a blow against
rock. Here and there on the tundra there were hillocks, the only
places where one could walk without sinking; the hillocks are about
3 ft. thick and beneath them is solid ice. The medical student found
several medicinal grasses along the banks of the stream: branching
spoonwart, avetrika,”° veronica, and wild burret; they all were small
and seemed to him to be of good quality. There is also a bit of scrub
willow, wild rosemary, and some dwarf birches.

The coast consists of sandy cliffs up to 6 ft. high, beneath which is
a 140-ft. wide beach of coarse gravel. A boggy tundra begins about
150-200 ft. from the low coastal cliffs. As to birds, besides ducks we
noticed a raven. We had not seen ravens before in this territory.
Caribou are not as plentiful here as they are farther north.

Beginning at midnight, the wind slackened; it is dark.

August 8th, From Midnight

Wind moderate; thick fog; surf. At 7:30 we launched our dpe"
successfully and headed south.

From Noon

At 3:00 we landed 4 miles south of Cape Beaufort. The beach is
gravel and on it are narrow lakes of salt water running north along
the coast; two versts from the coast and perpendicular to it is a
small hill apart from the others, at 69°00’М and 163°35’W, accord-
ing to the map. On this hill, which rises 250 ft. above the sea, we
found several tiers of gray sand, arranged like slate obliquely and
horizontally, mixed with earth and hardened like stone, but it broke
up quite easily. These rows extended downward 3% ft. Beneath
them was a foot of liquid silt, and below this, solid ice. The surface
of the hill was dry in general; the same plants grow there as we
noted before and in places there were flowers, but already faded. In
general, the vegetation does not grow taller than 9 in. From the foot
of the hill to the sea the surface of the earth is mostly mud 2 ft.
deep; the coastal area for a stretch of about 100 ft. consists of sand
3% ft. thick, beneath which is ice. There is plenty of driftwood on
the beach. At 5:30 we shoved off and proceeded south under sail.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 53

Around 9:00, because of a very thick fog that suddenly set in and
because the landings ahead were poor, we put into shore on the
north side of Cape Sabine, where we found two baydaras and 22
Tykagmiuts with their wives and children, who had come here from
Point Hope to hunt caribou.

August 9th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; dark clouds; pounding rain; very dark on the hor-
izon; surf.

It is impossible to push forward. By 8:00 the water had begun to
rise; the breakers began to reach the tents, which at first we had
placed 70 ft. from the sea at a height of approximately 3 ft.

From Noon

Moderate gale; cloudy; intermittent sunshine; heavy breakers.
Today an Aleut is indisposed due to fatigue. By 6:00 (i.e., over a
period of 16 hr.), the sea had risen 4% in. along the coast (visual
estimate), on account of the stiff wind from the west.

August 10th, From Midnight

Wind light; few clouds; sunshine; breakers. Tonight snow fell
on the nearest mountains, which are in general of moderate height
and which had been snow-free until now. At 8:30 we launched our
craft safely and traveled toward Cape Lisburne, which soon came
into view to the southwest, from behind Cape Sabine.

From Noon
Little wind; few clouds; sunshine.

At 6:30 we put in at a stream, at the place of our first landing
beyond Cape Lisburne, and found there a family of savages, Tykag-
miuts, numbering about 10 persons, with children.’”’ En route we
came upon a dead whale buoyed by the water, still quite fresh.

At 9:15 we went on toward Cape Lisburne.

August 11th, From Midnight

At 3:00 we rounded Cape Lisburne, at 3:30, having progressed a
mile to the southeast, we stopped at a small stream, at the mouth of
which was a small beach. The mouth of the stream was covered
with gravel from the southwest, which we noted in other streams to
the north as far as Point Barrow. Between Cape Lisburne and the

54 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

last streamlet we passed a waterfall about 3 ft. wide, falling from
the top of the cliff straight into the water, a drop of 14 ft.

Wind moderate; cloudy with the sun breaking through; the surf
has become heavy. It was impossible to travel farther south be-
cause of the rocky, precipitous coast running southward from Cape
Lisburne together with the high surf; therefore, we unloaded the
baydara and dragged it on shore.

At noon our observed latitude was 68°50’18”М; longitude, by
chronometer, 165°57’28”\ (on the map, 166°07’30”\М). Compass
deviation, 31°54’E.

From Noon

Wind moderate; cloudy; breakers. Today we killed about 30
murres on the cliffs of Cape Lisburne; the murres, like the tufted
puffins and the sea gulls, are plentiful on these cliffs. Among the
birds were a few of Bering’s cormorants. We did not see caribou
anywhere, although we went inland about five versts. Two of the
crew are sick.

August 12th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; cloudy and fine mist; surf.

From Noon

Wind fresh; cloudy; heavy surf. By 9:00 the sea water had risen,
by visual estimate, 272 ft. along the coast, but from the quite abun-
dant driftwood near the stream one may conclude that the water
here rises as much as 8 ft. We could not proceed today because of
the breakers, so we stayed put. In the ravines along Cape Lisburne,
five versts to the northeast of our landing place, we saw human
bones strewn everywhere and, besides, there were several graves in
shallow holes along the edges of which was a 1% ft. wall of stones
laid without mortar and topped with driftwood fastened with
stones. In other graves there lay human bodies that had not yet
decomposed and beneath each was a bow and arrows.” In the cre-
vasses in the cliff, which consisted of flinty rock, there were small
stones as if driven into the cliff and on these stones were quite
regular figures depicted in relief. We took a few of these stones as
samples.

August 13th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; cloudy; clear horizon; breakers.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 55

From Noon

Wind moderate; fine mist; heavy breakers. Two of the crew are
sick today.

August 14th, From Midnight

Wind moderate; cloudy and rain; heavy breakers.

From Noon

Wind light; few clouds; now and then starlight (the first time we
saw stars twinkling here), breakers quieter.

August 15th, From Midnight

At 4:30, having traveled 2 miles, we were forced to return to the
second stream from the cape, on account of the cliffs without a
beach at which the surf and eddies were considerable and dangerous
for a baydara. The landing site was better at this second stream
than at the first.”? We unloaded the baydara and dragged it safely
ashore.

From Noon

Moderate gale; cloudy with the sun breaking through; light
breakers. The sea water, which had dropped as much as 2 ft. by
morning, has risen again by the same amount.

Today in a draw not far from our landing we found a clearing in
which there were berries, known in the colonies as shikshi [crow-
berries]. The ravines are covered with a thin, greening tundra on
which one can see trails made by the natives.*°

August 16th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent heavy rain; breakers.

From Noon

Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent rain squalls; heavy breakers.
Today to the south of our camp we found berries: crowberries in
larger quantities than yesterday and here and there bog whortle-
berries on stems 1 in. long, with two or three small leaves, on which
there are one and very rarely two berries; like the crowberries, they
taste watery.

August 17th, From Midnight
Wind light; dark clouds; breakers not so heavy. We began to load

56 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

the baydara at 5:00, but within half an hour we had to desist be-
cause the surf kept getting higher.

From Noon
Wind fresh; cloudy; fine rain; breakers.

Wind moderate; cloudy; intermittent rain; breakers.

Today on Cape Lisburne our hunters killed 70 murres. Five sav-
ages approached us from the north side of the cape; they were
returning to their home in Tykaga, on Point Hope, but were de-
tained here by heavy surf.*' We didn’t learn anything from them,
except that they can shoot arrows for distances as great as 560 ft.
En route from Cape Lisburne our hunters saw three winter sod huts
near the coast, well situated but uninhabited.*?

August 18th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; cloudy; rain; breakers.

From Noon
Wind moderate; cloudy; intermittent rain; breakers.

Today, upon examining the native sod huts, we found them to be
as follows: they were placed on slight elevations that were dug out
as much as possible and on the outside the huts were covered with
several layers of thin sod. The outside height of the hut was no more
than 4 ft. A small opening led to an underground corridor 3 ft. long
and 3% ft. deep; on the left side of the corridor there was a small
storeroom, on the right side a corresponding empty space, appar-
ently a kitchen; at the end of the corridor another opening, barely
wide enough to admit a person, led into the hut itself. The hut
was 14 ft. long, 7 ft. wide, 6 ft. high from the floor to the roof in the
middle and about 4 ft. high along the sides. The walls of the hut
were lined on the inside with hewn timbers, the roof and the floor,
which was fairly clean, were also made of hewn timbers. Across the
entire end of the hut were bunks. On the right side was a small
isolated space 1 ft. from the floor, rectangular in shape and 3 ft.
high; the walls and the floor [here] were not lined with anything. At
the top of the roof, near the corner, on the right side, there was a rec-
tangular framed window 1% ft. square. In the corners nearest the
entrance to the hut there were shelves for night lamps. These lamps
are chiseled from simple stone in the form of a sector [triangle]. In

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 57

general, it was quite clean inside the hut. In the corridor, which was
entirely of sod, there were two doors; all hatches had covers.

August 19th, From Midnight

Wind light; cloudy; breakers quite heavy; soon there was a
squall from the NE. At 7:15 we launched our boats safely and pro-
ceeded SE.

At 9:15 we passed the precipitous Cape Lewis.**

Wind light; intermittent strong gusts from the cliffs; cloudy with
a spattering of rain.

From Noon

At 1:00 we passed the precipitous Cape Dyer, which is 600 ft.
high.** From there the cliffs gradually become lower; the cliffs
themselves, which had been of stone, now consist of sandy scree
covered with tundra; beneath the cliffs there is a continuous beach
35 to 100 ft. wide, consisting of gravel. Beyond Cape Dyer we pass-
ed one winter sod hut in which there was a single savage, an old
man.*° He told us that two of his comrades had set out about a
month ago for caribou that had been killed not very far away in the
tundra. He assumed that they (his comrades) had been killed by
Utukagmiuts whom they sometimes meet in the tundra; they don’t
know of any other people there. The old man asked if he could ac-
company us to Marryat Inlet. He belonged to the Tykagmiut
tribe.*’ We agreed but then he immediately refused to go. Then we
were hit by a rain squall from the southeast that lasted half an hour.
At 2:30 we landed on the coast, which is about 40 ft. high, to rest.

Wind fresh; cloudy with the sun breaking through. At 3:15 we set
out along the coast westward. At 4:30 we approached the mouth of
Marryat Inlet and set about measuring it.** The coast from Cape
Lisburne to here is charted accurately on Captain Beechey’s map,
lacking only some minor details, namely two streamlets, the first
after the cape. At the mouth of the inlet the ocean depth is 3 fath-
oms, but 700 ft. from shore there is a shoal beginning at Point Hope
and continuing to the precipitous coastline 3 miles to the NNE of
the mouth of Marryat Inlet; the water on that shoal is one-half to 1
fathom deep. The coast around the mouth of the inlet up to Point
Hope itself is called Tykaga by the natives. It consists of gravel and
rises steeply 8 to 10 ft.; grass grows in places on the high ground.
There is a great deal of driftwood on the shores of the inlet. At the

58 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

mouth of the inlet there is a current running northwest at 2 knots.
In the inlet and opposite its mouth the water is fresh, but one-half
mile to the west it becomes briny. After making measurements,
which took a half hour, we proceeded along the inlet toward its
south shore.

At 8:30 we landed on the south shore of the inlet.

August 20th, From Midnight
Little wind; cloudy; intermittent light rain; fog on the horizon.

At 5:00 we began to transfer our things to the south shore of
Point Hope across the marshy tundra, one verst from the shore of
the inlet.

Little wind; cloudy; from time to time rain clouds from the north-
west; fog over the mountains to the east. At noon we portaged the
baydara to the south shore of Point Hope, which, like the north
shore, consists of gravel rising as much as 7 ft. above sea level. The
large winter camp Tykaga is on this cape; its inhabitants, according
to the savages we met at Cape Lisburne, are quite numerous, com-
prising a special tribe of Tykagmiuts. They gather at this camp only
in winter; they spend the summer and fall hunting caribou in var-
ious places. The Tykagmiuts are completely like the Silalinagmiuts
in both language and appearance.*’

From Noon

At 2:00 we set out for Cape Thompson” in a very thick fog, which
cleared up completely at 3:00.

We met a native baydara towed by four dogs driven by one man;
in addition, there were six men and four women with children who
either walked alongside or sat in the baydara. They were all Tykag-
miuts and told us that farther to the east there are several more
summer camps belonging to their kinsmen.*' Their baydara is simi-
lar to that of the Kodiaks, but differs somewhat from that of the
Kakligmiuts. Their dogs are the same kind as those of the Chukchi
and the Kakligmiuts.

Wind light; few clouds; sunshine.
Wind fresh; squalls; dark clouds.

At 9:00 we put in at Cape Thompson and left the baydara at
anchor on the west shore of the cape. Fourteen Tykagmiuts, who
lived in a summer camp not far from our landing, approached us;”’
at first they took us for their enemies the Kakligmiuts. The savages

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 59

told us that more than nine days ago they had seen a ship at anchor
near the village of the Kyktagagmiuts near Kotzebue Sound.”?

August 21st, From Midnight
Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine.

At 7:00 we set out to ESE. Rounding Cape Thompson, which
consists of three blunt rocky cliffs, we passed two openings in the
cliffs through which we passed in our baydaras. These openings are
about 6 ft. high and 5 ft. wide.

Wind in gusts from the cliffs; few clouds; sunshine. At 10:30,
after passing a small stream on the east side of Cape Thompson,
we towed the baydara, dividing the crew into two shifts.

From Noon

At 5:30 we came upon a whale that had been cast up on the shore.
We cut off several pieces of meat for ourselves—it was quite well
preserved. At 8:30 we put into shore 20 miles to ESE of Cape
Thompson at a small freshwater lake.”*

August 22nd, From Midnight

Wind fresh; few clouds; sunshine. At 7:00 we set out ESE. Wild
peas and wild onions were growing at our landing site on a sandy
spit. The grass was a foot or more tall.

At 7:30 we passed through a strait into the lake; a mile later we
passed through another strait at which there was a small summer
camp.”

At 11:30 we passed through a third small strait at the mouth of
which there was a fairly sizable summer camp on a spit rising 7 ft.
above the sea. Eight baydaras, each with 14 men, approached us
from this camp. A crowd of more than 150 persons stood on shore.
They, like the inhabitants of the summer camp we passed this morn-
ing, comprise a separate tribe and call themselves Kivalinagmiuts,
after the name of their settlement, which is in a latitude of approxi-
mately 67°40’N; in appearance they are similar to the Tykagmiuts
with whom they have family ties; but their language is more like
that of the Chpagmiuts, who live near the Mikhailovskiy Redoubt.”°

From Noon

The savages who came to meet us, although they did not have

60 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Mulgrave Hills

Chukchi Sea

F1G. 7. Cape Krusenstern to Cape Seppings.

arrows with them, each had a knife and they boldly circled us with
their baydara, trying to force us to the shore. The wind soon fresh-
ened from WSW, forcing them to hasten back toward the shore
from which they had come.

Moderate gale; bright; thick clouds on the horizon; heavy break-
ers. At 3:00, amid great danger, we landed safely on shore, in the
surf, 8 miles east of the summer camp. Our landing place was a spit
700 ft. wide and 8 ft. high, beyond which is a salty lake, the eastern
end of which we could see but the western end was lost to sight
behind a bend to the southwest.®’ Here and there on the spit there
was grass 1% ft. tall.

Moderate gale; bright; thick clouds on the horizon; heavy break-
ers. At 8:00, 20 Kivalinagmiut men approached us. The northern
lights began at 10:00 and continued till midnight, with weather

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 61

conditions the same. The savages who approached us led us to sus-
pect them of evil intentions toward us and, in addition, not far from
us there was another crowd of savages of similar mind (one of the
savages, an old man, warned Utuktak of this). Therefore, working
the savages into one spot, we surrounded them with our sentries so
that they could not signal the other natives. The rest of our crew
was on full alert at their guns.

August 23rd, From Midnight

Wind fresh; few clouds; breakers not as heavy. We began to load
the baydara at 5:00.

At 7:00 we launched the baydara safely. The number of savages
had increased to 60 by this time.

At 11:45 we passed a stream.

From Noon

Wind moderate; cloudy; surf. At 4:30 we landed opposite the
Mulgrave Hills.**

Today, when we examined the walrus-skin covering of our bay-
dara, we noticed for the first time that it had been spoiled by worms.
August 24th, From Midnight

Moderate gale; cloudy; heavy breakers.

From Noon

Wind savage; cloudy; intermittent squalls with driving rain;
heavy breakers; the water along shore has risen about 4 ft.

Today we replaced the worm-eaten skin covering with a spare one.
Near our landing site we noted the following berries: crowberries,
bog whortleberries on a stalk 2 or 3 in. long with four to six berries,
and a small number of cowberries. The grasses included, besides
those mentioned above, trefolium. Caribou are quite plentiful, but
we did not kill any. There are ducks in the little streams.

August 25th, From Midnight
Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent fine rain; heavy breakers.

From Noon

Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent squalls with driving rain; heavy
breakers. Today we saw geese and swans flying south; we killed 10

62 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

ducks and several partridges, which are rather plentiful in the tun-
dra. Two of the crew are down with boils.

August 26th, From Midnight
Wind light; cloudy; breakers lighter.

At 8:30 we put out safely from shore. Wind light; cloudy; surf
getting heavier. At 11:30, experiencing great danger from the
breakers, we rounded the reef and Cape Krusenstern, on the south
side of which the sea was quite calm.*” Between capes Thompson
and Krusenstern the coastline is in complete agreement with Cap-
tain Beechey’s map. The shore consists of gravel and rises quite
steeply from the sea to heights of 4 to 7 ft. Along the whole coast
and for a short distance from it there are many small lakes, some of
which have several passages that connect them with the sea, but all
are shallow. The mountains that run along the coast are of moderate
height in general and are not snow covered.

From Noon

At 3:00 we stopped at two winter sod huts 9 miles to the east of
Cape Krusenstern. Here we found about 10 savages belonging to the
Kyktagagmiut tribe; their language is so similar to that of the
Chpagmiuts that our oarsmen could understand them and com-
municate with them in Kodiak.’ Otherwise, they look exactly like
the other savages we have seen, except that they are not so dexter-
ous and agile as the more northerly peoples. The natives said that
they had heard that the brig Polyphem was at Chamisso Island
(Kikakhtak, i.e., ‘‘Island,’’ in Kodiak) and that the main and most
populous village, Kyktagagmiut, is somewhat to the north of Cape
Blossom, on the low coast.'°! From the local savages we purchased
several loaches, which are very tasty, and various berries; crowber-
ries, cloudberries, bog whortleberries, and crowberries. All these
berries grow nearby on the tundra and the savages preserve them,
mixing them together in a butter, adding some roots to it. They
keep this in square buckets, bent together from a single board,
except for the bottom.

At 5:00 we proceeded farther toward Hotham Inlet'” and, in
passing some half-dozen sod huts scattered along the coast, we
traded tobacco for many loaches [probably whitefish] which the
savages catch in nets placed in numerous spots along the coast.
At 8:30 we stood at anchor off the west shore of the mouth of
Hotham Inlet on account of darkness and the numerous sandbars
in the mouth of the inlet. The coast from Cape Krusenstern to the

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 63

east first rises and, reaching a height of 18 ft. near the first sod
huts, descends again at the mouth of the inlet, where it comprises
a grass-covered spit about 5 ft. high. Along the entire coast there is
a beach of coarse gravel from 70 to 350 ft. wide, very favorable for
landings. As before, Captain Beechey’s map of the coast is accurate
in all details.

August 27th, From Midnight

Wind light; few clouds. At 3:30 we hoisted anchor and began to
round the sandbars from the ocean side.

From Noon

At 12:15 we stopped on a beach on the south side of Cape Blos-
som, which consists of sandy scree up to 25 ft. high. From it the
coast to the southeast continues to be precipitous and along the en-
tire coast there is a beach up to 35 ft. wide, suitable for landing. On
the heights along the shoreline we found many crowberries, cow-
berries, bog whortleberries, and various flowers that had not yet
faded. To the north of us we saw three savages gathering berries,
but on seeing us they fled.

At 1:45 we again got underway, proceeding SE by E.
Wind light; few clouds; sunshine.

At 8:00, owing to the approach of darkness and a big leak in the
baydara, we put into shore and dragged the baydara onto the beach.
August 28th, From Midnight

Wind fresh; few clouds; sunshine; heavy breakers.

At noon our observations showed our latitude to be 66°33’18”М;
longitude by chronometer 161°36’'34”\М (on the map, 161°50’W);
compass deviation, 28°10’Е. Our location agrees completely with
the map; we are situated on an isthmus which rises 30 ft. above the
sea; on it are all the aforenamed berries, but now in larger quan-
tities. Scrub willow an arshin or more tall grows in the gullies, where
the streamlets run. This is the first time we have seen vegetation
this big.

From Noon

Wind fresh; clear; breakers.

August 29th, From Midnight
Wind light; clear; light breakers.

64 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

At 5:30 we set out for Chamisso Island.
At 11:30 we rounded Point Garnet'® and soon sighted Chamisso
Island to the east.
From Noon

At 1:00 we landed on the low east cape of Chamisso Island, on
which we found an indication that the Polyphem had been there.

We found many berries on the island; crowberries, bog whortle-
berries, and cloudberries. There was very little driftwood.

Wind fresh; clear.
August 30th, From Midnight

Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine. At noon our observed lati-
tude was 66°13'42’N; longitude by chronometer 161°22'56’' W; сот-
pass deviation, 29°48’E.

From Noon

Wind fresh; few clouds; moonlight; from time to time starlight
and northern lights.

August 31st, From Midnight

Wind fresh; clear; sunshine; white clouds on the horizon.

From Noon

Wind light; dark clouds; intermittent wet snow.

September Ist, From Midnight

Wind fresh; few clouds; sunshine.

From Noon

Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent light rain.
September 2nd, From Midnight

Wind fresh, few clouds; sunshine.

From Noon

Wind moderate; few clouds; sunshine.

September 38rd, From Midnight

Wind light; few clouds; sunshine.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 65

At noon we determined that chronometer по. 1101 was 0"34”-
59°.46 behind mean time, with a daily departure of 1:02.
From Noon

Wind light; cloudy. Today we crossed over from Chamisso Island
to the mainland to the east to hunt caribou.

September 4th, From Midnight
Wind light; cloudy with the sun breaking through.

From Noon
Wind fresh; cloudy; intermittent snow squalls. Today we killed
three large caribou; there are large herds of them in the tundra.
September 5th, From Midnight

At 7:00 Polyphem arrived at Chamisso Island; the three baydar-
kas immediately went out to the ship with the news that the expedi-
tion was in good condition and to tell where it was situated.

From Noon

Wind moderate; cloudy.

At 6:00 we left Chamisso Island, where we had arrived at 10:00
and went aboard Polyphem to sail for New Archangel.

NOTES

1. Two-hatch baydarkas were made by the Aleuts and Koniag-
speaking Eskimos of Kodiak Island. They were little used, however,
before the introduction of firearms when they were necessary for
hunting since the recoil of a gun might capsize a lighter vessel;
when one hunter was firing, the other kept the boat upright (Jochel-
son, 1933, p. 55). Three-hatch baydarkas were a Russian innovation
for the use of hunting parties sent out by the Russian-American
Company.

2. The Eskimo umiak, an open skin boat.

3. Captain James Cook sighted and named Cape Lisburne on
August 21, 1778 (Cook and King, 1785, vol. 2, р. 460).

4. This was probably Vasily Ivanovich Malakhov, a pioneer
employee of the Russian-American Company in the Cook Inlet area
and father of Petr Vasilevich Malakhov. The latter, in the same year
as the Kashevarov expedition, became the first Russian to navigate
the Yukon from Nulato to the coast. As Fedorova (1973, note 64,
p. 338) has pointed out, Soviet historians have frequently attrib-
uted the services of the son to the father.

5. This was Utuktak, an Eskimo from the coast of Norton Sound
between St. Michael and the mouth of the Unalakleet River.
According to Zagoskin (1967, map 2, p. 104), this region was oc-
cupied by the ‘‘Chnagmyut”’ and Wrangell, in his classification of
Alaskan Indians and Eskimos published in 1839 (1970, p. 15), sim-
ilarly referred to these people as living north of the Pastolik River
and west of Cape Rodney. Zagoskin arrived at Mikhailovskiy in
July, 1842 with the expectation that Utuktak would also serve as
his interpreter. However, this well-travelled Eskimo ‘‘exercised his
right as a free man and flatly refused. He declared that he had for-
merly been a bachelor, but that he now had two beautiful wives,
and because of them his wants were fulfilled’ (Zagoskin, 1967, р.
89). Since Utuktak lived close to the Yupik-Inupik boundary, he

66

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 67

probably spoke and understood both languages. It is clear that he
was more useful to the expedition than the ‘‘interpreter’’ also men-
tioned here. For a thorough discussion of tribal and linguistic dis-
tribution in the Bering Strait region during the nineteenth century,
see Ray, 1975b, ch. 10.

6. Possibly the seasonal settlement of Wevok (Uivak) mentioned
by Collier (1906, p. 8) and located ‘‘about three miles east of Cape
Lisburne.’’ It was occupied at the time of Collier's visit in August,
1904. On the Alaska Reconnaissance Series map (Point Hope quad-
rangle), this settlement is shown at the mouth of Selin Creek.
According to Smith and Mertie (1930, p. 103), Wevok was aban-
doned when geological surveys were conducted in the area in the
early 1920’s. They located it near the point where the winter trail
that turned inland south of Cape Lisburne to avoid the cape came
out to the coast again. According to Burch (pers. comm.), this sea-
sonal settlement was occupied by Point Hope polar bear and seal
hunters in winter, abandoned during the whaling season, and occa-
sionally reoccupied by egg gatherers and caribou hunting parties in
summer. Wevok was located with reference to wind conditions. It
was in the lee of westerlies coming east past the cape, and was
tucked so tightly against the steep cliff face that strong north winds
had little or no effect because of the high pressure zone that built up
there.

7. Captain Cook, in 1778, was too far offshore to have observed
Point Hope, and the first European to do so was Captain-Lieuten-
ant Gleb S. Shishmarev in command of the ship Good Intent in
1820. He named it Golovnin after the famous Russian circumnavi-
gator (Ray, 1975b, p. 69). Point Hope received the name by which
it is now known from Beechey in 1826 (1831, vol. 1, p. 363) who
wished to honor Sir William Johnstone Hope, a lord of the Admi-
ralty. The Eskimo name for the point and the village at its tip is
tikerag (index finger) (Rainey, 1947, р. 235). Inhabitants of Tikeraq
or Tigara—modern Point Hope village—are sometimes referred to
as tikerarmiut (Kashevarov’s ‘“Tykagmiut’’).

According to Burch (1975, pp. 10-13), the traditional Eskimo
population of northwest Alaska was organized in terms of a set of
‘societies,’ each of which was associated with a particular territory
regarded as its ‘‘home’’ district. The members of some societies
stayed within their home territory throughout the year, while those
of others moved out of their own districts at various times. Each

68 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

society tended to be endogamous. Burch has defined 20 societies
between Norton Sound and the mouth of the Colville River, one of
which, Point Hope society, includes the residents of Tigara. The
home territory of Point Hope society extended from Cape Thomp-
son on the south to above Cape Beaufort on the north, and included
most of the Ipewik and Kukpuk River drainages.

An important characteristic that served to distinguish the
members of one society from those of another was that of dialect.
All Eskimos in the region through which Kashevarov travelled
spoke dialects of the Inupik language; regional variation was pro-
nounced but the dialects were mutually intelligible (Burch, 1975, p.
13). When Kashevarov speaks of the ‘‘Maligmiut”’ language, he
means Inupik. His interpreter was using the designation for it
employed by the northernmost Yupik speakers on Norton Sound
(Ray, 1975b, p. 130; Burch, pers. comm.). However, inhabitants of
Kodiak Island, the Koniag, speak Yupik, a language spoken south
of Norton Sound. The two languages are not mutually intelligible.

8. The Yukon was known to the Russians as Kvikhpak (kwiqpak
-big river), the Eskimo name for the lower portion which they
occupy. The Athapaskan name is now applied to the entire river.

9. According to Orth (1967, p. 579), Cape Lisburne was often
referred to by the Eskimo аз uwivaq ungasiktoqg meaning ‘‘distant
cape’’ as opposed to uivag garvitog for Cape Thompson which
means “‘пеаг cape.’ Uivag (or Uivak), meaning ‘‘cape’’ was fre-
quently spelled ‘“‘wevuk”’ or ‘‘wevok.”’

10. The Point Hope Eskimos have hunted caribou in the vicinity
of Cape Lisburne for centuries and continue to do so at the present
time (Rainey, 1947, pp. 265-267; Foote and Williamson, 1966, pp.
1,058, 1,060; VanStone, 1962b, pp. 62-63). It is possible that the
small camp encountered by Kashevarov’s party was located at the
mouth of Ayugatak Creek, due east of Cape Lisburne. Sea birds
nest on the rock cliffs at Cape Lisburne and the Point Hope
Eskimos usually combined caribou hunting with the killing of birds
and egg collecting (Rainey, 1947, p. 266; Foote and Williamson,
1966, p. 1,058; VanStone, 1962b, pp. 62-63).

11. Possibly Sapumik Ridge or Corwin Bluff.

12. Cape Sabine, named by Beechey (1831, vol. 1, map opp. p.
459), is located at the mouth of the Pitmegea River. As late as 1918

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 69

there was a small winter settlement near the mouth of the river
(Stuck, 1920, p. 168).

13. Cape Beaufort was named by Beechey (1831, vol. 1, p. 369)
in 1826 for the then hydrographer to the Admiralty.

14. The Amatusuk Hills, inland from Kashevarov’s camp, are the
last elevation of any note that a coastal traveller heading north will
see in northwest Alaska.

15. The topography of the narrow spit which separates Kasegaluk
Lagoon from the Chukchi Sea changes rapidly due to wave and ice
action. Some of the small passes between the lagoon and the open
ocean that existed at the time of Kashevarov’s journey do not show
on modern maps.

16. The islands, six in number, are approximately 12 miles north
of Point Lay. There is a sizeable pass to the ocean opposite the
islands, but it changes in shape and size frequently. Point Lay was
named by Beechey for George T. Lay, naturalist on the Blossom
(Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, map opp. p. 459).

17. Probably Utugqag, a summer camping place for members of
Utukok River society who lived on the upper Utukok River (Burch,
1975, p. 12). It was situated on an outer island directly across the
lagoon from Tolageak (Tulaariaq), another summer encampment
(Burch, pers. comm.). For a description of the subsistence cycle of
Utukok River people, see Larsen and Rainey, 1948, pp. 30-36.

18. The term pichikans cannot be translated. It is probably a
misprint and must refer to a stand of willows or cottonwoods.

19. Members of Utukok River society are, of course, Inupik
speakers. ‘“‘Kvikhpaks”’ is a reference to one of the Eskimo groups
living along the lower Yukon (Oswalt, 1967, map 2). As Nelson
(1899, p. 31) has noted, garments worn by both men and women
from Point Barrow to the mouth of the Yukon were practically
identical in pattern.

20. The baydara and its crew were to wait for the return of Kashe-
varov and the remainder of the party at or near Naokok.

21. This term was used for a number of different linguistic groups
by the Russians. Most frequently they distinguished between the
Aleut-speaking Fox Island Aleut and the Kodiak ‘‘Aleut’’ who were
actually Koniag-speaking Eskimos.

22. [су Cape was named by Captain Cook in August, 1778 (Cook

70 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

and King, 1785, vol. 2, p. 455). This was the northern limit of
Cook’s discoveries. There is a sizeable pass to Kasegaluk Lagoon
southwest of the cape.

23. According to Spencer (1959, p. 16), the settlement at Icy Cape
was known as Kayaakserevik (Qayiaqsirvik). Beechey (1831, vol. 1,
p. 375) noted a village at this point in 1826. It had a population of
57 in 1890 (Porter, 1893, p. 8) and was still occupied seasonally as
late as the mid-1920’s (Stuck, 1920, р. 190; Smith and Mertie, 1930,
p. 103).

24. The Silalinagmiut and Kakligmiut ‘Без’ can be identified
as Northwest Coast society and Barrow society respectively.
Kayaakserevik was the largest Northwest Coast settlement in
traditional times (Burch, 1975, р. 12; pers. comm.).

25. The now abandoned settlement of Kilimantavi (Qilamik-
tarvik) about 20 miles southwest of the mouth of Wainwright Inlet.
The name is recorded by Zagoskin (1956, map) as ‘‘Kylyamigtag-
vik,’’ presumably from information provided by Kashevarov. The
settlement was occupied as late as 1883 (Murdoch, 1892, p. 44), and
served for many years thereafter as a stopping place for travelers
along the coast (Smith and Mertie, 1930, p. 104). Kashevarov does
not mention Mitliktavik, a village approximately 10 miles south-
west of Kilimantavi. Although occupied as late as 1918 (Stuck,
1920, p. 192), it appears to have been temporarily abandoned when
the Blossom’s barge passed there on August 18-19, 1826 (Beechey,
1831, vol. 1, p. 417; Gough, 1973, p. 159).

26. Wainwright Inlet was named by Beechey for Lieutenant John
Wainwright of the Blossom (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, map opp. p.
459). There have been several villages on the spit between Wain-
wright Inlet and the sea as well as on the shores of the Inlet and
along the lower Kuk River (Orth, 1967, p. 1,025; Milan, 1964, p. 3).
The crew of the Blossom’s barge erected a post here for John
Franklin on August 20, 1826 (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, p. 419).

27. Burch (pers. comm.) indicates that this settlement is now
known as Ulrunig and was located on the site of the present village
of Wainwright.

28. The spelling is different, but this is another reference to Kili-
mantavi.

29. See note 27.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 71

30. Point Belcher was named by Beechey for Lieutenant Edward
Belcher of the Blossom (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, map opp. р. 459).

31. The abandoned village of Atanik (Ataniq), located approxi-
mately 8 miles northeast of Point Belcher near the point where the
sandspit that forms the northwestern boundary of Peard Bay joins
the mainland. Atanik was occupied in 1890 when it had a popu-
lation of 34 (Porter, 1893, p. 8), and Stefansson (1914, p. 11) be-
lieved that the ‘‘Atanirrmiut’’ were represented by some living indi-
viduals in 1912.

32. This statement indicates that Utuktak was familiar with the
Inupik language.

33. ‘““Topkhak’’ (tapqaq): a beach ridge covered with a good
growth of grass. In this context it would appear to be a reference to
Point Belcher.

34. The name of this abandoned settlement, Pingusugzuk, is
spelled ‘‘Pingasagrook’’ on the U.S.G.S. Alaska Reconnaissance
Topographic Series map (Wainwright quadrangle). It was noted by
Smith and Mertie as ‘‘Pingashugaruk”’ during geological surveys in
the mid 1920's, and is described by them (Smith and Mertie, 1930,
р. 105) as ‘а very large old settlement that has long been aban-
doned”’ which had a population of ‘‘several hundred people.”’ The
10th Federal Census lists a village called ‘‘Pindshuragin”’ that had
a population of 29 in 1880 (Petroff, 1884, p. 4).

35. Named by Beechey for Captain John Franklin with whom he
had served on the latter’s first polar expedition. Beechey had
originally given the name to a cliff which, when observed from a
distance, appeared to be on the coast. Later investigation by the
Blossom’s barge proved the contrary and the name was transferred
to the spit. Beechey refers to it in his text as ‘‘Cape”’ Franklin, but
on his map it is designated a ‘‘Point’’ (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, pp.
375, 419, map opp. 459).

36. Burch (pers. comm.) believes that Pingusugzuk (see note 34)
was probably a descendent of this old village at Point Franklin,
having been gradually moved south as the beach eroded.

37. Named by Beechey for Lieutenant George Peard of the Blos-
som (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, p. 420).

38. This sentence is grammatically garbled.

39. Kashevarov’s movements in the Point Franklin area are con-

72 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

fusing to the modern reader. Much of this confusion is the result of
changes in the coast line that have taken place since the nineteenth-
century explorations. It is clear from Beechey’s (1831, vol. 1, opp.
p. 459) map that in 1826 Point Franklin was not a continuous spit
but rather a number of low, sandy islands separated by shallow
water. These are the islands to which Kashevarov refers in the
preceding pages. Beechey named them the Sea Horse Islands
(Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, p. 419), but today the designation applies
only to two small islands at the entrance of Peard Bay.

40. The large Eskimo village on the tip of Point Barrow was called
Nuwuk. On Zagoskin’s (1956) map, “‘Kiballyu”’ is shown just south
of the tip of the point.

41. There are many small streams flowing into the Chukchi Sea
along the stretch of coast northeast of Peard Bay that is known as
Skull Cliff, but this name is unrecognizable.

42. Utkiavik (Utqiarvik) was the name of the settlement at the
site of the modern Barrow village. According to J. Simpson (1875,
pp. 237-238), it had a population of approximately 250 living in
40 houses in 1852-1853. A severe famine resulted in 40 deaths the
following year. In 1882 there were 23 families and a total popu-
lation of 130 (Ray, 1885, p. 39).

43. Almost certainly a reference to the Mackenzie River.

44. Chamisso Island was named in 1816 by Kotzebue after the
naturalist on his expedition, Louis Adelbert von Chamisso (Kotze-
bue, 1821, vol. 1, p. 213). The Eskimo designation given by Kashe-
varov resembles the Inupik word for island.

45. A form of the Russian word kalligrafiya - calligraphy; thus
literally ‘‘letter people.’

46. Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt, the first Russian-American Com-
pany post north of the Alaska Peninsula, was established at the
mouth of the Nushagak River in 1819. Fedor Kolmakov was the
first post manager. Using the redoubt as a base of operations, Ivan
Yakovlevich Vasilev explored the Nushagak River for the company
in 1829 and 1830. In the latter year he crossed over to the Kuskok-
wim drainage and descended that river to the coast. These explor-
ations resulted in the construction of a series of trading stations at
various points along the middle Kuskokwim including, in 1841,
Kolmakovskiy Redoubt about 20 miles above the present village of
Aniak. Much of the trading activity along the Kuskokwim during

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 73

these years was conducted by Semen Lukin, a creole employee at
the redoubt. He traveled extensively on both the Kuskokwim and
Yukon rivers, visiting coastal settlements on many occasions.
However, there is no evidence that he ever traveled north of Mik-
hailovskiy Redoubt, the company’s post near Stuart Island north of
the mouth of the Yukon. Thus the sheet from a manuscript calendar
to which Kashevarov refers had traveled a considerable distance in
approximately 2 years (VanStone, 1967, pp. 10-11; Fedorova, 1973,
рр. 253-256). The ‘‘Kalikagmiuts’’ described by Pukak as having
arrived at Point Barrow from the east is almost certainly a reference
to Thomas Simpson who reached the settlement in August, 1837
from the mouth of the Mackenzie River (Simpson, 1843). However,
it is unlikely that he was the source of Lukin’s calendar fragment.

47. This was the summer trading center at the mouth of the
Colville River. On Maguire’s (1854, map facing page 186) map it
appears as Nigamak. Leffingwell (1919, p. 98) calls it Nigalik, and
Stefansson (1914, р. 9) Nirlik. The name may be derived from
nikilivik, the Eskimo name for the Pacific white-fronted goose
(Rausch, 1951, p. 158).

48. The suffix ‘руа’ or piaq means ‘“‘authentic’”’ or “‘real.’’ There-
fore, the tundra peoples referred to must have been more authentic
occupants of an unknown area known аз kaglik. In any event, the
‘“‘Kakligmiut Pya’’ were probably riverine Eskimos living south of
Point Barrow, possibly along the Meade and Ikpikpuk rivers
(Burch, pers. comm.). They undoubtedly obtained the beaver skin
traded to Pukak from Athapaskan Indians on the Koyukuk River.

49. See note 39. Kashevarov recognized the rapidly changing
configuration of the coast line in this area.

50. Although Cape Smyth does not appear on many modern maps,
it is listed as a current geographical name by Orth (1967, p. 891).
The cape was named by Beechey for William Smyth, mate of the
Blossom, who accompanied the boat expedition commanded by
Thomas Elson (Beechey , 1831,vol.1, р. 421). It is the last high land
on the coast before the low sand spit that stretches out to Point
Barrow. As noted previously (see note 42), Cape Smyth is the site
of modern Barrow village.

51. Like most permanent coastal villages in northwest Alaska,
Utkiavik was virtually abandoned during the summers when the
inhabitants scattered to temporary camps to hunt and fish.

74 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

52. Point Barrow, the northern-most point of the United States,
was named by Beechey for Sir John Barrow, patron of British
northern exploration (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, pp. 414-415). Its
correct location is 71°23’29”М latitude.

53. The now-abandoned village of Nuwuk which in 1852-1853 had
a population of 309 (J. Simpson, 1875, p. 237). Illness and starva-
tion had reduced the population to 150 by 1882-1883 (Ray, 1885, p.
38).

54. Burch (1975, pp. 225-226) notes that traditional Eskimos of
northwest Alaska were frequently aggressive when they had a clear
numerical superiority over another group, native or white.

55. Possibly Tekegakrok Point, 71°17'32’'N.

56. Possibly Iko Bay, although Kashevarov’s description of the
eastern shore does not seem accurate.

57. This is the first geographical feature named by Kashevarov,
who, not knowing of Thomas Simpson’s journey to Point Barrow
from the east the preceding year, believed himself to be traveling in
unexplored territory. The Russian name did not last. The name Iko
Bay was first published in 1854 (Maguire, 1854, map facing page
186).

58. Possibly Ross Point.

59. Possibly Ross Bay which had been named the previous year
by Thomas Simpson (1843, p. 151).

60. Possibly Christie Point or another projection of the coast
line near the western entrance to Dease Inlet. The name Christie
Point was given by Thomas Simpson in 1837 (Simpson, 1843, p.
150).

61. Kashevarov’s name for Tangent Point at the east entrance to
Dease Inlet. Tangent Point was named by Simpson (1843, p. 145).

62. Kashevarov’s name for Dease Inlet, the latter designation
having been bestowed by Simpson (1843, p. 149) in honor of his
traveling companion, Peter Warren Dease.

63. See note 54. Burch (1974, p. 4) has convincingly demonstrated
that the Eskimos of northwest Alaska clearly understood the im-
portance of the principle of mass. A decision to attack would never
be made until the attacking party was certain that it could muster
more men than they believed to be in the enemy force.

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 75

64. Under the circumstances, Kashevarov was probably wise to
terminate his explorations at this point since he was now a consi-
derable distance from possible assistance. His supplies must have
been running low and it was becoming clear that he could not count
on the native inhabitants for help in case of need. Also, he sensed
among the members of his crew, worn out by their previous exer-
tions and somewhat frightened by the hostile Eskimos, a desire to
turn back.

65. Shown on modern maps as Walakpa Bay, this estuary was
designated as Refuge Inlet by Beechey (1831, vol. 1, pp. 431-435,
map opp. p. 459). The Blossom’s barge was trapped there by ice
from August 25 to 28, 1826 and encountered a village of nine tents
(Bockstoce, nd).

66. See note 25. Another spelling of Kilimantavi.

67. This method of hunting caribou is described by Maguire
(1854, p. 178) and Murdoch (1885, p. 99), but it was unknown to
Spencer’s (1959, p. 31) informants in the early 1950’s. See appendix
(p. 85).

68. Precise eyewitness accounts of the effectiveness of traditional
Eskimo weaponry are extremely rare. Members of the Blossom’s
crew reported seeing an Eskimo on Chamisso Island shoot an arrow
through the head of a loon at an estimated distance of 40 yd.
(Gough, 1973, p. 169). Following an hostile encounter with
Kotzebue Sound natives in September, 1827, Beechey noted the
effectiveness of their arrows. At a distance of 100 yd. one sailor
suffered a flesh wound, while at 8 or 10 yd. the right arm of a marine
was pinned to his side (Beechey, 1831, vol. 2, pp. 287-288). Writing
with reference to the Copper Eskimo, Stefansson (1914, p. 96) esti-
mated that 25 to 30 yd. was the maximum range of great accuracy
with a bow and arrow, but also stated that the weapon was effec-
tive on caribou from 75 to 90 yd. At 35 to 50 yd. an arrow could pass
through the body of the animal.

69. Lieutenant Kotzebue gave his own name to the sound which
he was the first European to enter in 1816 (Kotzebue, 1821, vol. 1,
p. 238). The existence of an important trading center in this area
during the nineteenth century was reported by Beechey in 1826
(1831, vol. 1, pp. 351-352). Russian Cossacks had penetrated north-
eastern Siberia by the middle of the seventeenth century, but it was
the establishment of an important trading market on a tributary of
the Kolyma River in 1789 that made it possible for quantities of

76 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

European trade goods and native products to flow into Alaska from
the Chukchi. The people of Diomede Island, Cape Prince of Wales,
and King and Sledge islands were the middlemen of this inter-
continental trade, and Hotham Inlet in Kotzebue Sound became an
important distribution center for all of northwest Alaska (Van-
Stone, 1962a, pp. 126-128; Ray, 1975b, pp. 97-102). For a detailed
discussion of this trade in the 1850’s see J. Simpson (1875). А]-
though firearms were apparently used by the Eskimos of northwest
Alaska as early as 1819 (Ray, 1975a), they were not available in
quantity until introduced by American whalers about 1850.

70. The same settlement referred to in notes 25, 28, and 66. This
spelling conforms more closely to that on Zagoskin’s (1956) map.

71. The lagoon just inside and north of Icy Cape was frequented
in summer by large numbers of spotted and bearded seals. Resi-
dents of the village of Qayiaqsirvik camped there in summer to hunt
(Burch, pers. comm. ).

72. See p. 26 and note 23.

73. According to Foote and Williamson (1966, p. 1,046 fn), there
is “‘good геазоп’’ to believe that Kashevarov’s party may have
carried smallpox, an epidemic of which was raging in southwestern
Alaska, into northwestern Alaska. No sources, however, are given
for this supposition.

74. This was the Kukpowruk River, an occasional route for mem-
bers of Utukok River society when traveling to and from the coast.
Caribou hunters from Kivalina and Point Hope also traveled on the
Kukpowruk in summer (Burch, 1975, рр. 11-12; pers. comm.).
Kashevarov’s party missed the mouth of this river on their trip
north and also on their return.

75. At the southern end of Kasegaluk Lagoon north of Cape
Beaufort the Amatusuk Hills extend almost to the coast.

76. Avetrika cannot be translated. It is probably a misprint.
77. See note 10.

78. Except for the large traditional burial ground at Point Hope
itself, members of Point Hope society did not have a special burial
place. People were buried where they died. The concentration of
burials mentioned here and the fact that they were accompanied by
weapons suggests that a battle had taken place on Cape Lisburne,
probably between Point Hope and Utukok societies (Burch, pers.
comm. ).

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 77

79. Probably Niak Creek. According to Orth (1967, p. 685), the
name of this creek was reported in 1904 by Dr. John B. Driggs,
pioneer Episcopalian missionary at Point Hope who noted that it
was the site of an “ЕзКипо campground.”’ Although no source is
given for this information, it is probably Collier (1906).

80. These trails are more likely to have been made by caribou,
always plentiful in the vicinity of Cape Lisburne during the summer
months.

81. See note 10.

82. The ‘“‘Eskimo campground,”’ referred to in note 79, at or near
the mouth of Niak Creek. It was a winter settlement called Nia
(Burch, pers. comm. ).

83. Traditional Eskimo houses in northwest Alaska are described
in some detail by J. Simpson (1875, pp. 255-256) and Murdoch
(1892, pp. 72-76). For a slightly more detailed description by Kashe-
varov, see appendix (p. 84).

84. Named by Beechey (1831, vol. 1, map opp. p. 459) for a mem-
ber of his crew.

85. Named by Beechey (1831, vol. 1, map opp. p. 459).

86. A small settlement which, according to John Driggs, was
called Capaloa (Qipalaaq), the Eskimo name for Cape Dyer. It was
abandoned at the time of Collier’s geological explorations in 1904
(Collier, 1906, p. 44; Orth, 1967, pp. 290-291).

87. In the nineteenth century, warfare between members of the
various Eskimo societies in northwest Alaska was common but did
not prevent inter-societal relations of a more positive nature such as
trade (Burch and Correll, 1972).

88. Named by Beechey in 1827 (1831, vol. II, p. 275) for a relative
of Lieutenant Belcher of the Blossom.

89. See note 7.

90. Although spelled ‘“Thompson”’ on modern maps, the cape was
named by Beechey in 1826 (1831, vol. 1, p. 358) for Deas Thomson,
a commissioner of the navy. This landmark had already been
named Cape Rikord by Vasilev and Shishmarev and appears as
such on nineteenth-century Russian maps (Zagoskin, 1956, map).

91. This type of summer travel is described by Rainey (1947, p.
265).

78 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

92. Eskimos from Point Hope hunted caribou and birds, and
gathered eggs each summer at Cape Thompson (Rainey, 1947, p.
266; Foote and Williamson, 1966, p. 1,058). There were a number of
families camped there at the time of Beechey’s visit in August,
1826 (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, pp. 359-362).

93. A reference to the Polyphem. The name ‘‘Kyktagagmiuts”’
(Qiqiqtarzurmiut = peninsula people) for the inhabitants of Kotze-
bue Sound is shown on Zagoskin’s (1956) map.

94. Probably in the vicinity of Cape Seppings, named by Beechey
in 1827 (1831, vol. 1, map opp. p. 459). There are a number of land-
locked lagoons in this area.

95. The Kashevarov party is in Kivalina Lagoon (also called
Corwin Lagoon) which had more outlets at that time than it does
today. The small summer camp was probably opposite the mouth
of the Kivalina River (Burch, pers. comm.).

96. Kashevarov was apparently the first European to observe the
large summer camp near the present settlement of Kivalina
(67°58’30’'N), although his party did not stop there. Beechey does
not refer to the camp since he was becalmed and drifted with the
current along with section of coast on August 1, 1826. However
the Blossom was visited by Eskimos desiring to trade (Beechey,
1831, Vol. 1, р. 359). The ‘“‘Chpagmiuts”’ (see note 5) were Yupik
speakers.

97. The reference here is to Imigrook Lagoon.

98. Named by Beechey in 1826 (1831, vol. 1, p. 358). It is derived
from the name given in 1778 by Captain Cook (1785, vol. 2, p. 453)
to a slight projection of the coast opposite the range of hills.

99. Cape Krusenstern was named in 1816 by Kotzebue for Admi-
ral Adam Johann von Krusenstern, the first Russian circumnavi-
gator (Kotzebue, 1821, vol. 1, p. 237).

100. This was the settlement of Aniyaagq located just inside the
mouth of the Tukrok River and the westernmost winter village of
members of Kotzebue society (Burch, pers. comm.). It seems un-
likely, however, that the inhabitants actually understood the
Kodiak dialect.

101. The settlement referred to was located near the present
village of Kotzebue. Cape Blossom received this designation from
Beechey in 1826 after the name of his ship (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1,
p. 456).

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 79

102. Named by Beechey in 1826 for Sir Henry Hotham, a lord of
the Admiralty (Beechey, 1831, vol. 1, p. 342).

103. Named by Beechey in 1827 (1831, vol. 2, p. 279).

APPENDIX

Notes On the Eskimos In Russian America
by
A.F. Kashevarov

No. 208 of Severnaya pchela contained the article ‘‘Iskusstva 1
manufactury Eskimosov”’ (Arts and Artifacts of the Eskimos),
which, evidently, was based on information on Eskimos living on
the eastern half of the northern coast of North America. It tells us
little about the inhabitants of the western half of this coast, which
belongs to Russia. Over such a vast distance, from Prince William
Sound on the Pacific Ocean to Labrador on the Atlantic Ocean
naturally one encounters differences in climate, in locale, and in
sources of nourishment. This all has an important, if not a prin-
cipal, influence on the habits and customs of the savages as well as
their arts and artifacts.

The influence of local characteristics is clearly evident in the
Russian-American colonies. There the coastal natives speak a
language. of the same root as Eskimo, but differ from each other in
many respects. For example, the Chugach and Konyags, who live
between Prince William Sound and the Alaskan Peninsula on the
mainland and the islands in the Great or Pacific Ocean, have a sea
which never freezes over, a mountainous and rocky land covered
with coniferous forests, with no sizable rivers. Here in winter it is
rarely colder than 15° below zero Reaumur [-1.8F] and often snow
alternates with heavy rain. The sea, the beaches,* and the sea birds
provide the inhabitants with their main means of sustenance.
Therefore, the Chugach and the Konyags are primarily sailors and
fishermen. On land they are languid and clumsy, but at sea they
are skillful and brave. In their marvelous baydarkas, which they
have brought to perfection, they go far out to sea, cross broad

* These beaches (/aidas) comprise a shoreline that is exposed at low tide and in-
undated at high tide. During low tide, the natives gather various shellfish and sea-
weeds, which they use as food.

80

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 81

straits and, when whirlpools suddenly appear in a fast-moving
strait, or when a storm raises large seas and they must make for an
open beach in fearful surf, they wield their oars skillfully and use
wave laws, which they know from practical experience, and cope
with dangers at sea that bravery alone could not overcome. For the
coastal dwellers of the Bering Sea, from the Alaskan Peninsula to
Bering Strait, the country is drained by a multitude of rivers, large
and small, the seacoast is unforested, low and tundra-clad, as are
the hills some distance from the sea. For three-fourths of the year,
these latter are covered with ice, which is frozen solid in winter. The
temperature reaches 30° below zero Reaumur [-35.5°F] and the snow
lasts the whole winter. Therefore, among the inhabitants of that
region hunting is divided into winter and summer seasons, i.e.,
hunting on land and hunting at sea. Thus, these people are hun-
ters as well as fishermen and there is an abundance of game in both
seasons. But they are not sailors; their flat-bottomed baydarkas
are made for travel in calm waters on rivers and along a shallow
coast, in general. Next come the inhabitants of the polar part of the
Russian-American holdings. It is with this region and these
people, who are little known to Europeans, that I intend to acquaint
the interested reader.*

Over that whole expanse the number of seacoast inhabitants
reaches 2,400 souls of both sexes.' And this handful of people, as
is the case with many savage peoples, occupies vast territories and,
although they are of the same tribe, they are divided into several
families living in friendly or unfriendly relations with each other.
The Kakligmiuts and the Silalinagmiuts inhabit the northern part
from Cape Wrangell to Icy Cape. No one lives between Icy Cape
and Cape Lisburne.* The Tykagagmiuts, the Kivalingagmiuts, and
the Kyktagagmiuts live between Cape Lisburne and Chamisso
Island. This whole populace, in general, is well built, strong, and
warlike, and is physically similar to the Chukchis and speaks a
language of the same root as both Eskimo and Chukchi.’

This country, for all the severity of its climate, has its peculia-
rities and may be characterized as the gradual demise of nature.

* Having surveyed this country on behalf of the Russian-American Company
from Kotzebue Sound to Cape Wrangell—my farthest point—over a distance of
almost 500 Italian miles (875 versts), I was in all the settlements of the savages. To
the coast I described, running from the northernmost limit of North America, Point
Barrow (the native name for which is Kiballyu) to the East, I have given the name:
Prince Menshikov Coast.*

82 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

It is divided into hilly and flat country. Hilly from Kotzebue Sound
to Cape Beaufort; the maximum height is about 900 ft. The low
country runs to the north, maintaining a height of 6 to 12 ft. as far
as Cape Franklin. Thence the coast rises, as it were, to 50 ft. and
forms cliffs consisting of a mixture of clay and pure ice. The entire
Prince Menshikov Coast decreases in height, nearly to sea level, and
forms a savannah. To the north of the mountains, on the flat part,
the soil is tundra everywhere, lying as a crust on pure, solid ice.
This crust gradually becomes thinner, decreasing from 12 in. to
2 in. thick (on Prince Menshikov Coast).

Berries grow south of 69°N: bog cranberries, bog whortleberries,
red bilberries, cloudberries, several unknown to me, and mush-
rooms. Among the plants were the scrub willow which reaches
heights of one-half to 3 arshins (Kotzebue Sound). There are
grasses and flowers. The last berry to the north, and the shrubs
sometimes reach а height of 1% arshins. Then, here and there, some
flowers appear on the tundra surface: white, yellow, and dark blue.
The height of the grass, like the thickness of the tundra, gradually
decreases from 12 in. to 2 in.

Nature plays out to the north, but man lives there and, evidently,
does not know want. The multitude of caribou, wolves, and foxes,
and the sole domestic animal, the dog, surely and securely satisfy
the needs of the polar resident all year round. During the short
summer (not more than two months long), the sea cover breaks up
and delivers whales, walruses, and seals to them. Migratory birds,
nesting on these inhospitable shores, provide tidbits. Even the
summer storms, a yearly occurrence here, are of great use to the
local inhabitants; from the sea they bring in driftwood, which had
been on the sea ice, and cast it high up on the shore or across the
spits into the lagoons where it remains for the rest of the уеаг.°

To the south of Cape Lisburne, these resources are reinforced in
summer by sea birds which nest on the rocky cliffs, and by berries
and fish. Whitefish abound on the Prince Menshikov Coast at
Freigang River, the northernmost of the American rivers, which
empties into Kupreyanov Вау.° At Cape Franklin, among the
seasonal ocean fish we noted is the humpbacked salmon, which is
more asleep than alive; scarcely moving, it floats in a slanted posi-
tion almost at the surface of the cold sea at the end of July.

Small whales and walruses swimming near the surface, of which
there are plenty here, come close to shore in certain easily accessible

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 83

places, affording the local inhabitants the possibility of hunting the
whale and the walrus without going far from shore in their bay-
darkas, which, because of the pressure of large ice masses is not
only hazardous all summer long but, in general, is impossible.
Seals abound all year long; in winter they get out onto the ice
through leads or through breathing holes which the seals make
through thick ice.

And this is all that providence has allotted to the Eskimo for his
sustenence. The caribou, the wolf, and the fox; the whale, the
walrus, and the seal are not easy to get. The cold here reaches terri-
ble proportions, more than a human can bear, but the Eskimo, in
the literal sense, is destined to struggle with cold and hunger.
All this the savage has learned to conquer and, through hard trials
and experience, to create for himself those means by which he can
save himself from the cold, and everything he sees is almost cer-
tain to become his prey. He has raised himself to human status with
these resources. With the prerogative of these resources, the
Eskimo has become a hunter; indeed, how else could he survive in
this severe climate except as a hunter? He has settled by the sea
because there are no large rivers nor fish-filled lakes left for him,
these being in the hands of others who, though of the same tribe,
are hostile to him. Life on the tundra, where there is neither tree
nor soil, river nor lake, is impossible.’

Not an inclination toward the nomadic life, but simple and natural
reasons led the Eskimo to develop two types of dwelling: winter
and summer, i.e., permanent and portable. The move from winter
to summer quarters is unavoidable here, in this severe climate, for
every savage, because in summer it is damp in the sod huts which
are made for winter and water enters through the floor and the
walls from the ice, which melts in the earth around the hut. The
move takes place every year at a certain time and almost always
to the same places for the caribou hunt. The savages also move to
engage in trade with their neighbors and because they are invited
as guests. This is as necessary for them as air and food are for life.*

The winter settlements are usually built on hilly places, where
one can dig deeper into the еаг В.’ The polar savage does not worry
about drinking water. In summer he digs a well on a spit — the
water in the well is usually brackish, unpleasant to the taste; he
drinks it with ice which is always plentiful in the nearby sea. In
winter he melts snow for drinking water. Since the layer of earth

84 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

is thinner in the north, the winter huts are higher on the outside
here than among the southern Eskimos. Thus, from a distance
these huts look like heaps of something and only from the racks,
which each settlement has, can one guess that he is approaching an
inhabited place." These racks are made of driftwood and are
always shaped like а [1]. On these they hang caribou meat, walrus
skins, thongs, and other things. The population of a settlement can
be told immediately by the number of racks. Around a settlement
they dig many pits, like cellars, with an ice floor (provided by
nature) in which they store walrus and whale meat.

On Cape Lisburne I was able, in the absence of the savages who
are always mistrustful of aliens, to examine a winter sod hut in
detail. This is the way it was built and here are the dimensions. On
a small elevation the earth was excavated to a depth of 4 ft. In this
excavation a hut was built, coated all around on the outside with
several layers of thin sod. One sazhen to the west of the hut there
was a small opening which served as the entrance to a corridor 8
ft. long, 3% ft. deep, and 3% ft. wide, dug in the earth. In it, along
the sides of the excavation, there was place for a kitchen and a
storeroom. The corridor led to a hatch in the floor of the hut; the
hatch was barely wide enough to admit a person — it was the ent-
rance to the hut. The walls, floor, and roof of the hut were made of
split and roughly hewn driftwood. In the front, along the whole
width of the hut, there were bunks 5 ft. wide, made of split slabs.
On the right wall, between the bunks and the back wall, there was a
regularly shaped opening 4 ft. wide and 2% ft. high, dug out in the
side of the wall. On the right slope of the roof, which also served
as the ceiling, there was a square window 1% ft. to the side. In both
corners of the back wall there were triangular shelves; on them
were night lamps carved from stone and also triangular in shape.
All the hatches and openings had covers; further, there was a door
at either end of the corridor. The hut was 14 ft. long, 7 ft. wide, 6
ft. high in the middle, and a little more than 3 ft. high at the sides.
Everything in the hut was in order, clean and dry, although the
neighboring huts were full of water.

The summer dwellings are built very quickly and simply. Three
or four poles, of any length, are tied at one end with a leather strap
run through holes. Then the other ends of the poles are set upright
and spread out so that one or two hoops of various sizes can be
fastened to the inside. Finally, around these poles, beginning at

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 85

the top, they wrap caribou skins, dressed and sewn together with
the hair side out. Thus, they can set up a conical tent of any size
they want. To admit light they fashion a pane of walrus gut and
sew it into the caribou skin.

The large winter settlements are the most populous, around
300 inhabitants of both sexes. However, this number is sometimes
doubled by visitors from neighboring settlements who come for the
whale hunt (spring and fall), or to trade, and sometimes on invita-
tion to what in our colonies are called games (igrushki), consisting
of continuous eating, drinking, and dancing and usually ending in
the complete ruin of the host, who gets a big reputation for lavish
hospitality."

The population of a summer settlement varies, because in summer
the Eskimos disperse to various coastal points, where they hope to
get more caribou, which is essential for their needs. The caribou
provides the Eskimo with everything: food, clothing, footwear, and
tents. They hunt the caribou all year around, and for this they use
arrows and spears. They can kill a caribou with an arrow at about
20 paces; the same arrow, shot from a bow, will travel more than
80 sazhens.

In summer, when the caribou do not know where to go to escape
the clouds of mosquitoes, they run toward the sea where it is cooler,
and approach the summer camps of the Eskimos in large herds.
When the caribou, on their own volition, enter the small lakes, of
which there is an abundance on the tundra, or are driven into them
by the Eskimos, the Eskimos approach the caribou in baydarkas
and spear them. Caribou cannot maneuver in shallow water.'?

The baydarkas used by the Kakligmiuts and Silalinagmiuts are
of special construction and are beautifully made, with exceptional
precision, to the last detail. They have one hatch. The front side
of the hatch, the upper part of the baydarka, is flat on the stern.
Toward the nose, running from the front of the hatch, there is a
circular frame which gradually narrows so that it is easy to sit down
in the baydarka and stretch one’s legs. Usually the baydarka is
covered with sealskin. When the Eskimo sails in such a baydarka,
he seems to sit in the water; often due to refraction, which is so
common in the polar lands, one cannot tell what is moving in the
water, the caribou or the Eskimo in his baydarka. A baydarka is
about 12 ft. long and weighs no more than 20 lb. And for the
Eskimo the baydarka is needed more in the tundra, on the lakes,

86 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

than on the sea, because it is highly maneuverable. Our Aleuts,
who always travel in baydarkas, could not even get into an Eskimo
baydarka.

In winter the caribou hunt is somewhat more difficult for the
Eskimo. He must go out into the tundra and there build himself a
snow house, usually in this fashion: he digs a big hole in the deep
snow, covers it with a snow roof having a dome as high as possible
so that it will be visible for some distance. Sometimes, by necessity,
the Eskimo sits through a storm or cruel cold in this pit, and when
the caribou, lured by the convexity of the roof, falls into the pit he
becomes the easy prey of the Eskimo, who spears him."*

The Eskimo wastes nothing of the caribou: he dresses its skin
superbly; from the bones he makes arrowheads; from the sinews,
thread; and the rest he devours without exception.

After the caribou, the seal, walrus, and whale are the most impor-
tant items of the Eskimo’s provisions. Seals and walruses go out
onto the large ice floes and then it is easy to kill them. However, the
Eskimos gather in large numbers for the whale hunt — Kakligmiuts
on Point Barrow in the fall, the southern Eskimos‘ in spring in
various places, as opportunity allows. Unfortunately, I can say
nothing more about the whale hunt.

In winter, when they are on the lookout for seals, they build an
ice hut on the ice to protect themselves from the penetrating wind
and sometimes to protect themselves against the polar bear which
visits these Eskimos from time to time, although not as often as
one might expect in this polar country. However, they say that
it is very cold in the ice huts.

They remove the hair from the sealskins and use them for bayda-
ras and baydarkas. They eat the meat and fat of this animal and use
the neck and entrails for various purposes. They don’t waste a
thing. They cut straps from its hide and make footwear from
them; from the intestines they sew one-piece slickers, from the
tusks they make various implements and baubles; the meat is used
as food. The whale provides delicacies and fat which is used in
general as the best flavoring for any food. Baleen is a necessity for
the Eskimo handicraft and substitutes for glue: the savage uses it
to tie and sew things together in as tight a fit as needed.

Birds complete the northern Eskimo’s diet. However, he makes
use of birds for only a short time and then passing, killing them

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 87

more for sport than for need. For this purpose he simply uses a
stone, which he throws accurately by hand or from a sling. In
addition, he uses small bones, which he shapes like a ball or a
cylinder. On each bone there is an ear, to which he attaches a sinew
thread from 2 to 3 ft. long. He ties six or seven such threads (with
bones) together at one end and affixes a small bunch of feathers.
When a flock of ducks flies low enough over the coast, which often
happens in this foggy climate, they take the bunch of feathers in
their right hand and the bones in the left, calculate the flight of the
birds, and throw this weapon upward. In flight the bones spread
out and fall on two or three of the birds, stunning them; they fall
to the ground and are killed immediately.

The southern Eskimos hunt sea birds on the cliffs with snares
and use the skins of these birds for clothing. However, not many
engage in this form of hunting.

The Eskimos keep their winter food supplies in storage places
on high coastal cliffs, probably so that neither wild animals nor
dogs can steal them.

Besides these animals, which form the only food of the northern
Eskimo, he hunts the wolf and the fox. Perhaps there are other
animals here as well, but I have not seen them. The fox and the wolf
skins are used as trade goods.

From the animal hunt, the Eskimo turns to his handicrafts and
takes them up as diligently as he does the hunt.

In a moderate climate the savage makes, besides clothing, simple
blankets which he throws over his shoulders. But in the far north,
where winter lasts five-sixths of the year, such dress is inadequate
for the inhabitant, however wild, coarse, and insensitive he may be.
He, as a hunter, cannot wrap himself in clumsy clothing — long,
wide, heavy. The Eskimo has successfully coped with these condi-
tions. He has devised the parka, trousers, and soft boots and
gloves, all of caribou skin, which, as I have already mentioned, he
works superbly.

The parka is similar to the Russian menyuk, only with sleeves
and with a place for the neck. Around this neck cut they sew a cap
which, in case of need, can be pulled together with a string better
to cover the head, ears, and chin. The cap is edged with some kind
of long-haired fur, for example, wolf, wolverene, hare, or the fur of
other animals which they take locally or furs they acquire in trade.

88 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Among the rich, this fur trimming is made quite beautifully, of two
or even three furs of different color. This luxurious fur trimming is
necessary to protect the face — in winter from the cold, in summer
from the mosquitoes which prefer to land on this trimming and can
easily be chased away with the hand. (It is amusing to see an
Eskimo as he is walking and at every step waves his hands in front
of his face, now his right hand, now his left.)

The parka is knee-length. The trousers are somewhat longer, or
they include boots. The boots are tied below the knees. The parka
is tied with a thong. The fingers of the gloves are cut out separa-
tely and then sewn together. The woman’s costume differs from the
man’s only in that small round cuts are made in the sides of the
parkas and similar openings are made in the front and back. In
winter they wear two or even three parkas. In such cases, the inner
parkas do not have the cap or the slicker; in general these are made
only to cover the head as far as the forehead and to protect the ears.

In damp weather, over the parka they put a walrus-gut slicker
similar in pattern to the parka. Further, they make watertight
boots and gloves of sea-animal skins. They use the gloves when
rowing their baydaras or on a sea hunt. By the way, when it is
raining hard, the Eskimo in these parts does not like to leave his
dwelling, except when absolutely necessary.

Men complete their attire with one or two tails, wolf or fox,
attached to their belt from behind. (Wolf tails are worn only by wolf
hunters). Some attach various bone baubles to their belts, and each
has a knife and whetstone (knives are whetted at a sharp angle
from one side only). Both men and women are sure to have a small
sack attached to their belt, in which they keep a pipe, steel, and
tinder and another small sack with tobacco. Many of the children
have similar sacks on their belts. Children dress exactly the same
as the adults. Some of the men cut their hair only on the crown of
the head and farther down they trim it around in a circle; others
have a small braid which falls to the shoulder. Others do not cut
their hair in a circle, but variously: those that have mange (I’ve
seen many northern Eskimos with the mange and with diseased
eyelids) shave their heads, as it were. Women make two braids and
wind them around their heads. As hair ornaments, men wear beads
or reguluses strung on a thread. Some use ring-shaped cuts of
caribou hide for this purpose. The women do not wear any head
ornaments, at least not in summer. Further, the men wear a kind

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 89

of walrus-bone stud [labret], placed in a hole made in the lower lip.
To the outside of these studs, the rich will attach a stone rare for the
savages and bought at a high price from their neighbors, or a large
regulus split in half. For such an ugly decoration, young people
must have their lips pierced at a certain age. This is done ceremo-
niously, so that subsequently they may have the pleasure of wear-
ing a stud with an inner diameter of half an inch and an outer dia-
meter of 1 in. in such holes. The women tatoo their chins, either in
the middle in two narrow stripes running downward, or in one
broad stripe with two narrow ones on the з14ез.'°

In addition to making clothing and ornaments for same, the
Eskimos are skillful at making armor from flat pieces of bone or
from baleen, to protect themselves from enemy arrows.

The Eskimo’s weapons are the bow, the arrow, and the spear.
The northern Eskimos do not have the variety of arrows that the
Bering Sea inhabitants or the southern Eskimos have. Their
spears are made of walrus bone or of iron. The Eskimos are expert
bowmen. To protect their left hand from the bowstring they always
wear a kind of bracelet of walrus bone or baleen on that arm. The
Eskimo devotes every spare moment to making or repairing his
weapons. Wherever he goes he takes his bow and quiver of arrows
with him.

The baydaras of the northern Eskimos are better than those of
the southern Eskimos, and they hold up to 12 persons. The baydar-
kas of the Kakligmiuts, although beautiful and cleverly conceived,
are, in general, not made to take even small waves. In summer,
when going into the tundra, the Kakligmiut carries his baydarka
on his shoulders and his bow and a walking stick or a spear in his
hands. The Kakligmiut walks smartly, holding himself erect, and
can walk for some time. However, when he sets out for a summer
camp in his baydara, he loads a large sled in it so that he can return
by land, if it becomes impossible to return by water. He can haul
the baydara on the sled, and vice versa. If he goes out in early
spring to some distant place on the ice, he can haul the baydara
on the sled [and return by water].

The household utensils of the Eskimo are very simple and un-
pretentious: wooden buckets, cups, bags made from sea-animal
skins, stone night lamps, and some have iron kettles got by trade.
The buckets are square, bent together from a single board, except
for the bottom. In addition, the Eskimo has spades, hooks, a large

90 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

sled, and various small appurtenances of domestic life. The hooks
are made of walrus tusk; a bone is attached to the top of a spade.

Now that Russian trade has extended far to the north in America,
one can find iron implements even on the Prince Menshikov Coast,
taken there from Kolyma or the Russian-American colonies. These
implements consist of axes similar to the adze, needles, drills,
knives, and nails, which are also used as awls and chisels. These
are supplemented with bone implements of their own design.

Each Eskimo learns to make and use all the implements he needs
for hunting on land and sea. Only the baydara and baydarka frames
are made and put together by special master craftsmen who have
the knack and the sure eye for this art. The accuracy of construc-
tion of the oar-powered craft is remarkable. The women must know
how to dress animal skins and furs, to twist threads, to sew both
clothing, and baydara skins. These are the main duties of the
sexes.

The Eskimo economy is simple. The meat of slain animals is hung
in the open air in summer or is stored in pits, in winter their sup-
plies are stored in holes dug at a height in the face of a steep sea
cliff. Since such storage places cannot be made just anywhere, the
Kakligmiuts often store their winter supplies far from their village.
They take their food as it comes and almost always raw, in this
differing not in the slightest from animals. On tasting wheat
crackers and sugar, they frowned and spit it out.

The Eskimos love songs and dancing. Wherever they may be and
whatever the time or season, on being asked, especially if offered
a leaf of tobacco, the Eskimo will immediately sing and dance till
he drops. The inhabitants of Icy Cape are especially known for their
artful dancing. Indeed, when there I saw grace and mimicry that
one would hardly expect from savages; I heard songs with words
and with a pleasant tune, while among others, especially the
southern Eskimos, I have heard songs consisting of a single phrase,
often improvised, with an extremely unpleasant, crude, and mono-
tonous tune. The favorite dance of the northern Eskimo consists
of heavy and frequent shifting from one foot to the other, while
waving both arms in all directions, and, from time to time, perform-
ing high leaps in time with the rhythm of the song and the drum.
During all this the women, squatting, rock from side to side and
move their hands slowly and affectedly around their faces. The
drum, made of sea-animal bladders, was the only musical instru-

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 oF

ment I saw among them. The drum is round, with a handle, and
they beat it with a thin stick.

By Eskimo custom, an excellent bowman and, in general, a good
hunter may have two or even, they tell me, three wives. Parents
are tender and attentive to their children. I noted that the father
has influence even on a grown, bachelor son. The respect for a
skilled hunter is confined to his personal attainments. Some old
men and old women enjoy general personal respect. Only at
Tutagvik Bay did I notice that the Eskimos showed special respect
to two persons, one young and the other old. These two persons
clearly exerted influence over the Tutagvigmiuts, who were bolder
than the other Eskimos in their dealings with us and were inclined
to theft. Thievery, a common passion of savages, is not considered
a vice by the Eskimo; they brag to each other of acquiring things
in this manner and are even ready to kill for 16.'° In his crude mind,
the Eskimo believes that any object can have a secret influence on
him. I saw a striking example of this on the Prince Menshikov
Coast in my encounters with the Eskimos: many of them wore a
kind of amulet on their chest, a small bag in which they carefully
preserved a scrap of paper with writing which they obtained by
chance in a remarkable way in 1836."’

Among the southern Eskimos there are large communal huts,
kazhim, in which all conferences, ceremonies, and winter dances
take place. The northern Eskimos, however, cannot construct
large dwellings, so they must perform such communal customs in
the open air.'® The dance is not only a source of pleasure, but is
necessary for the physical and moral well being of a polar inhabi-
tant. This exercise provides salutory motion and gives him some-
thing to do when the severe winter and prolonged night bring on
involuntary but disastrous inactivity and have a pernicious effect
on the empty mind of the savage.

The life of the Eskimo, like that of other savages, proceeds regu-
larly, monotonously, like a wound-up machine. He stays within
bounds, within the cycle he follows: here now, tomorrow there, and
all for the same reasons, for one and the same goal: to live like an
animal, as his forefathers existed. He knows what his ancestors
knew and acts in the same way as they did, inventing nothing,
perfecting nothing, losing nothing; in this savage communal life
he finds protection from others, personal self-protection, and bloody
revenge. Without convictions, guided in life only by experience,
the savage is unquestioningly servile to the customs of his ances-

92 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

tors. Destruction of these customs, even through education, would
means his destruction if this enlightenment would disenchant the
[resulting] half-savage with his past and leave him alone to struggle

with new concepts and new needs.

NOTES ТО APPENDIX

1. In northwest Alaska a substantially greater number of people
lived inland than on the coast. Since Kashevarov’s explorations
were confined to coastal areas, he encountered only a few inland
dwellers; namely, those camped at the mouth of the Utukok
River.

2. The area between Icy Cape and Cape Lisburne was the border
zone between Point Hope and Northwest Coast societies (Burch,
1975, pp. 11-12). Kashevarov missed a few small settlements in
this area because they were set back from the beach along creeks
and rivers.

3. The historical relationship between the Eskimo and Chukchi
languages is still debatable, although the research of Swadesh
(1962) appears to indicate some as yet undefined form of histor-
ical connection.

4. Named for Aleksandr Sergeyevich Menshikov (1787-1869),
a military leader and diplomat. Kashevarov’s designation appears
on Zagoskin’s (1956) map, but has not been retained on modern
maps.

5. Kashevarov was one of the few nineteenth-century observers
to be aware of the significance of driftwood in northwest Alaska
and the part that storms played in providing this important re-
source.

6. Probably the Meade River which flows into Dease Inlet.

7. This is an ambiguous statement unless by ‘‘of the same иле”
Kashevarov means simply non-European. He was unaware of the
densely populated rivers of northwest Alaska and the significance
of fishing as a major subsistence activity for these people.

8. Kashevarov correctly notes the two main summer subsistence
activities of the northwest Alaskan Eskimos: caribou hunting
and trading.

93

94 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

9. Winter settlements were built on hilly places partly for insu-
lation, as Kashevarov suggests, but also for better drainage and
improved defense.

10. In August, 1826 Beechey (1831, vol. 1, p. 363) described the
settlement at Point Hope as resembling, from a distance, ‘‘a forest
of stakes.”’

11. Reference here is to the Messenger Feast which is described
in detail by Spencer (1959, pp. 210-228). Kashevarov did not wit-
ness one but was apparently told about them. As for the ‘‘complete
ruin’”’ of the host, however, he is exaggerating. He may have been
extrapolating from similar customs observed in southern Alaska.

12. Kashevarov was the only early observer who noted the impor-
tance of spearing caribou from kayaks in the lakes of the arctic
coastal plain. The Eskimos he observed hunting in the high coun-
try east of Cape Lisburne (see journal, p. 20, and journal note 10)
would, however, have been using bows and arrows, and snares.

13. Kashevarov appears to be confusing two things here: 1) the
snow house which was occasionally used by hunters when sitting
“through a storm or cruel cold,’”’ and 2) the snow pit used for
hunting caribou.

14. When Kashevarov writes of the ‘“‘southern Eskimos”’ he is
probably referring to the Pacific Eskimos of the Gulf of Alaska.

15. Kashevarov’s description of clothing and personal adornment
usefully compliments that of Beechey (1831, vol. 1, pp. 339-341,
456).

16. Traditional Eskimos had no inhibitions about stealing from
strangers, but did not steal from members of their own society
(Burch, pers. comm. ).

17. A garbled reference to the event described on journal pp. 33-
34; see also journal footnote 46.

18. Kashevarov is wrong here. The ‘‘northern Eskimos’’ did соп-
struct large gazqis. According to Rainey (1947, р. 244), there were
seven such structures at Point Hope in the nineteenth century, Ex-
cept for their size, gazqis resembled dwellings. Kashevarov may be
referring here to the nulukatuk, or spring whaling feast, that was
held out-of-doors at designated gazqi feasting places (Rainey, 1947,
pp. 262-263). Other dances and ceremonies were also held out-of-
doors in summer.

REFERENCES

BEECHEY, F. W.
1831. Narrative of a voyage to the Pacific and Beering’s Strait, ...2 vols. London.
BERKH, У. М. (compiler)

1823. Kronologicheskaya Istoriya vesekh puteshestviy v Severnyya polyarnyya

strany, Pt. II. St. Petersburg.
BocksToce, J. В.

n.d. The Beechey and Belcher collections: Ethnography compiled during the
voyage of H. M. S. Blossom to northwestern Alaska in 1826 and 1827. Anthro-
pol. Papers of the Pitt-Rivers Museum, 1 (in press).

BOLSHAYA SOVETSKAYA ENTSIKLOPEDIYA, 3rd edition. Moscow. 1973.
Burcu, E.S., Jr.

1974. Eskimo warfare in northwest Alaska. Anthropol. Papers Univ. Alaska,
16, no. 2, pp. 1-14.

1975. Eskimo kinsmen. Changing family relationships in northwest Alaska.
Monograph 59, Amer. Ethnol. Soc.
Burcu, Е. 5., Jr. and T. C. CORRELL

1972. Alliance and conflict: Inter-regional relations in north Alaska, pp. 17-39.
In: Guemple, D. L. ed., Alliance in Eskimo society, Proc. Amer. Ethnol. Soc.,
1971, suppl.

CHERNENKO, M.

1967. Lavrentiy Alekseevich Zagoskin. An account of his life and works. т:
Michael, Henry N., ed., Lieutenant Zagoskin’s travels in Russian America,
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INDEX

Alaska Peninsula, 80, 81

Aleksandrovskiy Redoubt,
66, 72

Aleuts, 43, 51, 53; definition of, 69

Amatusuk Hills, 69, 76

Aniyaaq: settlement of, 78

33, 34,

Armor, 89
Atanik: warlike behavior of inhabi-
tants, 30; inhabitants inclined

toward thievery, 31; settlement of,
28, 33, 34, 46, 71

Ataniq. See Atanik

Atanyk. See Atanik

Athapaskan Indians, 73

Ayugatak Creek, 68

Back, G., 8

Barrow, Sir John: and the Northwest
Passage, 4

Barrow society, 70. See also Kaklig-
miut tribe ©

Barrow village, 72

Baydara. See umiak

Baydarka. See kayak

Beechey, Capt. F. W., 13, 15, 36, 67,
75, 78, 94; explorations of, 8; to
co-operate with Franklin, 8; ac-
curacy of his map, 13, 21, 22, 28,
35, 57, 62, 63, 72, 75, 78

Bering Sea, 81

Bering Strait, 6, 7, 14, 67; trade with
inhabitants of, 47

Big River. See Mackenzie River

Birds: hunting of, 86-87

Bristol Bay, 5

Capaloa: settlement of, 77
Cape Beaufort, 22, 50, 51, 52, 68, 76,
82; named, 69

100

Cape Blossom, 63; named, 78

Cape Dyer, 57; named, 77

Cape Franklin. See Point Franklin

Cape Krusenstern, 62; named, 78

Cape Lewis, 57; named, 77

Cape Lisburne, 18, 20, 21, 53, 54, 56,
57, 58, 67, 68, 76, 81, 84, 93, 94;
burials at, 54; named, 66; Eskimo
name for, 68

Cape Prince of Wales, 76

Cape Rikord. See Cape Thompson

Cape Rodney, 66

Cape Sabine, 21, 53; named, 68; settle-
ment at mouth of, 69

Cape Seppings: named, 78

Cape Smyth, 35, 36, 37, 45; named, 73

Cape Thompson, 58, 59, 62, 68;
Eskimo name for, 68; named, 77;
summer camp at, 78

Cape Topkhak, 31. See also Point
Belcher

Cape Wrangell. See Tangent Point

Caribou: hunting of, 20, 31, 36, 47,
53, 58, 68, 75, 78, 85, 86, 93, 94; uses
of, 20, 28; abundance of, 52, 54,
61, 65; trails made by, 77

Chamisso Island, 33, 62, 64, 65, 75,
81; named, 72

Chnagmyut. See Chpagmiut

Chpagmiut, 18, 26, 30, 42, 59

Chpagmiut tribe, 78; boundaries of,
66

Christie Point: named, 74

Clothing: description of, 87-88

Colville River, 68; settlement at the
mouth of, 73

Cook, Capt. Jaines, 66, 67, 69, 78;
explorations of, 5

Copper Eskimo, 75

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS , 1838 101

Corwin Bluff, 68
Corwin Lagoon. See Kivalina Lagoon

Dease Inlet, 42, 74, 93; named, 74

Dease, P. W.: accompanies Simpson,
10

Diomede Islands, 76

Division of labor, 90

Driftwood: movement of, 34; absence
of, 37; abundance of, 45, 52, 57;
location of, 46; importance of, 93

Driggs, John B., 77

Dwellings: description of, 56-57, 83,
84, 94

Elson, T., 8, 12, 13, 73; explorations
of, 12

Eskimo languages: relationship with
Chukchi, 93

Eskimos of northwest Alaska: popu-
lation, 81; adaptability of, 83;
ceremonies of, 85; dispersal in
summer, 85; dancing, 90-91; respect
for aged, 91; thievery by, 91, 94;
importance of trading, 93; settle-
ment patterns of, 93, 94

Etolin, A. K.: explorations of, 7

Fauna: description of, 21, 28, 30, 33,
35, 52, 54, 61-62, 82-83; distribution
of, 34-35, 68; abundance of, 37

Firearms: availability of, 76

Flora: description of, 28, 31, 37, 38,
50, 52, 55, 57, 61, 62, 63, 64

Food: storage of, 87, 90

Franklin, Capt. John, 10, 70; second
expedition of, 6, 7-8; expeditions in
search of, 12, 13

Freigang River. See Meade River

Golovnin. See Point Hope

Holitna River, 34

Hotham Inlet, 8, 62, 76; named, 79

Household utensils: description of,
89-90

Hudson Bay Company, 10

Icy Cape, 5, 6, 8, 12, 26, 49, 76, 81, 90,
93; named, 69

Iko Bay, 37, 38, 74

Ikpikpuk River, 73

Imigrook Lagoon, 78

Inupik language, 20, 26, 68, 69, 71

Ipewik River, 68

Ionagimshva: settlement of, 31, 33

Kakligmiut: similarity to the Silali-
nagmiut, 30

Kakligmiut tribe, 33, 34, 36, 41, 70,
73, 81, 85, 86, 89; enemies of Silali-
nagmiut, 26; boundaries of, 27,
28, 30; story about, 33; settlement
patterns of, 34; trade with interior
peoples, 34; warlike behavior of,
42-43, 45, 74; beliefs and customs of,
46-47; kayaks of, 58. See also
Barrow society

Kakligmiut-Pya, 34;
term, 73

Kalikagmiut: meaning of word, 33

Kalymatagmiut. See Kilimantavi

Kasegaluk Lagoon, 24, 25, 47, 48,
69, 70, 76; extent of, 27

Kashevarov, A. F.: given command of
expedition, 9; life of, 9-11; prepara-
tions for expedition, 10; publications
of, 10-11, 15; critic of Russian-
American Company, 11-12; ethno-
graphic contributions of, 13, 14-15,
16; geographical contributions of,
13; and the fur trade, 16; goals of
explorations, 16

Kayaakserevik: settlement of, 70, 76

Kayak: number on expedition, 18;
construction of, 66; description of,
85-86, 89; accuracy of construction,
90

Kayakishgvigmiut: appearance of
inhabitants, 26; settlement of, 26,
49. See also Kayaakserevik

Kazhim: ceremonies in, 91

Khromchenko, V. S.: explorations
of, 7,16

Kiballyu. See Point Barrow

Kilamitykagmiut. See Kilimantavi

Kilamytakagmiut. See Kilimantavi

meaning of

102 ЕТЕГОТАМА: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Kilimantavi: settlement of, 27, 28,
46, 47, 70, 75, 76

King Island, 76

Kivalina Lagoon, 78

Kivalina River: camp at mouth of, 78

Kivalina village, 76, 78

Kivalinagmiut: similar in appearance
to Tykagmiut, 59

Kivalinagmiut tribe, 81; settlement
of, 59; warlike behavior of, 60-61

Kodiak Island, 9, 33, 68

Kolmakoyv, Fedor, 33, 34

Kotzebue, Otto von: criticism of, 3, 5;
explorations of, 3, 6

Kotzebue society, 78

Kotzebue Sound, 3, 5, 8, 14, 59, 75,
78, 82; trade with inhabitants of,
47; named, 75; location of trading
center, 75-76

Kotzebue village, 78

Koyukuk River, 73

Ksigamestakgmiut. See Kilimantavi

Kuk River, 70

Kukpowruk River: travel on, 76

Kukpuk River, 68

Kullyulik: last Silalinagmiut settle-
ment, 27; settlement of, 28. See also
Wainwright village

Kupreanov Bay. See Dease Inlet

Kuskokwim River, 33, 34; trading
activity along, 72-73

Kvikhpak River. See Yukon River

Kvikhpak tribe, 69

Kyktagagmiut tribe, 78, 81; settle-
ment of, 59, 62. See also Kotzebue
society

Kylyamigtagvik. See Kilimantavi

Long Lake. See Kasegaluk Lagoon
Lukin, Semen, 33; travels of, 34, 73

Mackenzie River, 6, 33, 72, 73

Malakhov, У. I., 18, 21, 26, 66

Malakhov, P. V., 66

Maligmiut language. See Inupik
language

Marryat Inlet, 57; named, 77

Meade River, 73, 93

Messenger Feast, 94
Mikhailovskiy Redoubt, 59, 66, 73
Mitliktavik: settlement of, 70
Mulgrave Hills, 61; named, 78
Muravev, M.I.,6

Naokok: settlement of, 69

New Archangel. See Sitka

Nia: settlement of, 77

Niak Creek: settlement at mouth of,
77

Nigalik. See Nuatagmiut

Nigamak. See Nuatagmiut

Nirlik. See Nuatagmiut

Northwest Alaska: geographical
description of, 20-21, 22, 26, 28, 30,
31, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40-41, 50,
51-54, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 81-82;
changes in coast line of, 34; Eskimo
societies of, 67-68; trade by inhabi-
tants of, 77, 87

Northwest coast society: boundaries
of, 93. See also Silalinagmiut tribe

Northwest Passage: search for, 3, 6,
7,8, 11

Norton Sound, 3, 5, 66, 68

Nuatagmiut: settlement of, 34, 73

Nugmiut. See Nuwuk

Nulato, 66

Nulukatuk, 94

Nushagak. See Aleksandrovskiy
Redoubt

Nushagak River, 72

Nuwuk: warlike behavior of inhabi-
tants, 36; settlement of, 36, 41,
72,73

Pastolik River, 66

Peard Bay, 30, 31, 34, 35, 46, 71,
72; named, 71

Personal adornment, 88-89

Pindshuragin. See Pingusugzuk

Pingasagrook. See Pingusugzuk

Pingusugzuk: settlement of, 30, 71

Pinishigiryu. See Pingusugzuk

Pinishigigiryu Island, 46

Pitmegea River, 68

Point Barrow, 8, 9, 10, 12, 13, 31,
33, 34, 36, 41, 43, 44, 53, 69, 72, 73,

VANSTONE: KASHEVAROV’S EXPLORATIONS, 1838 103

81, 86; location of, 74; named, 74

Point Belcher, 28; named, 71

Point Franklin, 30, 31, 72, 82; named,
71

Point Garnet, 64; named, 79

Point Hope, 20, 56, 57, 58, 67, 68, 76,
78, 93; named, 67

Point Hope society, 76; burial prac-
tices of, 76; boundaries of, 68, 93

Point Hope village: appearance of,
94; ceremonies at, 94

Point Lay, 24, 49; named, 69

Point Stepov, 40, 41. See also Christie
Point

Prince Menshikov Coast, 81, 82, 90,
91; named, 93

Prokofev Bay. See Iko Bay

Pukak: inhabitant of Atanik, 33, 34,
73; travels of, 34

Qayiaqsirvik. See Kayaakserevik

Qazqui. See kazhim

Qilamiktarvik. See Kilimantavi

Qipalaaq. See Capaloa

Qigiqtarzurmiut tribe. See Kyktagag-
miut tribe

Refuge Inlet: named, 75

Return Reef, 8, 9, 11

Rumyantsev, Count N. P.: and Rus-
sian exploration, 6, 7,9

Ross Bay: named, 74

Ross Point, 74

Russian-American Company, 8, 10,
37, 66; and Russian power in North
America, 6; trading posts of, 72

St. Lawrence Island, 3

St. Michael. See
Redoubt

Sapumik Ridge, 68

Sea Horse Islands: named, 72

Sea mammals: hunting of, 25, 28,
34, 47, 76, 86; abundance of, 25;
use of, 86

Settlements: description of, 83-84;
size of, 85

Seward Peninsula, 3

Mikhailovskiy

Shishmarev, G. S.: explorations of,
5, 6, 67

Silalinagmiut tribe, 42, 70, 81, 85;
boundaries of, 26; enemies of
Kakligmiut, 27; thievery by, 27;
trade with, 27; similarity to the
Kakligmiut, 30, 58; beliefs and
customs of, 46-47. See also North-
west coast society

Simpson, T.: explorations of, 11, 13,
16, 73

Sitka, 9, 10, 18, 50, 65

Skull Cliff, 72

Sledge Island, 76

Smallpox, 76

Stuart Island, 73

Tangent Point, 41, 81; named, 74

Tekegakrok Point, 74

Tents: construction of, 20

Tigara. See Point Hope

Tikeraq. See Point Hope

Tolageak: settlement of, 69

Tukrok River: settlement at mouth
of, 78

Tulaariaq. See Tolageak

Tutagvik Bay. See Wainwright Inlet

Tutulivigmiut: summer camp on
Wainwright Inlet, 27

Tykagmiut: appearance of, 20; similar
in appearance to Kivalinagmiut, 58,
59

Tykagmiut tribe, 20, 26, 57, 81;
enemies of the inhabitants of
Atanik, 30; camp of, 53, 58; burial
practices of, 54; kayaks of, 58;
language, 58; seasonal movements
of, 58; See also Point Hope

Uivak. See Wevok

Ulrunig. See Kullyulik

Umiak: number on expedition, 18;
capacity of, 89; accuracy of
construction, 90

Unalakleet River, 66

Unalaska, 5

Utkiagvik. See Utkiavik

Utkiavik: settlement of, 33, 34, 35,
36, 45; seasonal occupation of, 73

104 FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, VOLUME 69

Utqiarvik. See Utkiavik

Utukagmiut: appearance of, 25;
settlement of, 25; river of, 50; war-
like behavior of, 57. See also Utukok
River society

Utukok River, 69, 93

Utukok River society, 69, 76

Utuktak: interpreter with expedition,
26, 30, 61; negotiates with Kaklig-
miut, 42-43; relations with Zago-
skin, 66; linguistic knowledge of,
67, 71

Utuqaq: settlement of, 69

Vasilev, I. Ya.: explorations of, 72
Vasiliev, M. N.: explorations of, 5, 6

Wainwright Inlet, 27, 28, 46, 91;
named, 70; settlement on, 70

Wainwright village, 70

Walakpa Bay. See Refuge Inlet

Western Alaska: geographical des-
cription of, 81

Western Alaskan Eskimo: dancing,
91; ceremonies in the kazhim, 91

Weapons: efficiency of, 47, 56, 75,
85; description of, 89

Wevok: settlement of, 67

Wrangell, F. P. von, 16, 66; becomes
general manger of Russian-Ameri-
can Company, 8; and Russian
exploration, 8-9

Yukon River, 66, 68, 69, 73
Yupik-Inupik boundary, 66-67
Yupik language, 68, 78

Zagoskin, L. A., 13, 14, 16, 66, 72,
78, 93; and Kashevarov’s explora-
tions, 12

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