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Journal or Narrative of a Conspiracy Journal ou Dictation d'une Conspiration

Journal of

Pontiac's Conspiracy 1763

Published by CLARENCE MONROE BURTON

Under the Auspices of the

Michigan Society of the Colonial Wars

Edited by M. Agnes Burton

£tB

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Speaker-Hiiies Printinff Company Detroit

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Preface

The Pontiac Manuscript, or journal, has for years been considered the most important document in existence con- taining an account of the conspiracy of the Ottawa chief. It has twice been translated and is the foundation of various novels and dramas picturing the times of the French and Indian war. It is the document upon which Francis Parkman so cleverly built his history of the events of 1763. Its history so far as known has been related by Parkman and by others, and many conjectures have been made regarding its authorship. That it was originally the work of a Frenchman is evident throughout. The appar- ent anxiety to place the French in a favorable light, to explain their difficult position and justify their actions could only have been expressed by a Frenchman. His knowledge of the happenings within and without the fort, his familiarity with the motives and actions of Pontiac, is sufficient proof that he was a Frenchman of influence both with the Indians and the English. His description of the minute details attending Pontiac's councils makes it im- possible to doubt the author's presence on those occasions.

The manuscript was thought to have been written by the assistant priest of Ste. Anne's Church, and the fact that the manuscript was at one time owned by Father Gabriel Richard, the priest who was in charge of the same church from 1798-1832. adds color to this conjecture. A comparison, however, with the writing of that priest still preserved in St. Anne's records, destroys that theory. Prof. Ford thinks that it was written by some one within the fort, and suggests Robert Navarre. Following this suggestion, a comparison of this document with many of the extant records in the hand of Navarre seems to point to a satisfactory solution. Specimens of the journal, a page from Ste. Anne's Records and a deed by Navarre are given herewith for the purposes of comparison. A close examination of each shows similarity between the journal and the Navarre deed. The writer is not as neat and painstaking in his journal as in his public papers, but the

8 Preface

same style and form of writing is found in every line. He has evidently kept an accurate chronology of daily events, but has from day to day turned back and filled in with more minute details, as for example the description of the conduct of Luneau on pp. 140-142, and many similar passages.

Although Navarre did not reside within the fort, his easy access in the performance of his duties gave him the complete knowledge of affairs within.

He was a man of some education, had been the Royal Notary of the place under French rule and hoped to con- tinue in a similar office after the British came. He was recommended by the British Commandant as worthy of confidence and was retained to conduct many of the duties of the post where both the English and the French were concerned. His long career in active service, begun in 1734, had made him thoroughly familiar with the languages of the Indians, for whom he frequently acted as interpreter. At the time of the siege he was living on his farm on the southwest side of the village. This farm is now within the limits of the city of Detroit and bears the name of Navarre or Brevoort farm, about two miles below the centre of the city. The land was formerly occupied by the Pottawattami Indians and was given by that tribe to their friend, Robert Navarre, whom they affectionately called "Robiche." Jean Marie Alexis Navarre, a son of Robert Navarre, was born and baptized at the house of his parents, and not in the church, on Sept. 22, 1763. The child was born on the night of his baptism, and the church entry was made the following day. This appears from the record and indicates the freedom the members of the Navarre family had in entering the besieged town. There- fore it seems quite plausible to attribute the journal to Robert Navarre.

Before leaving the subject the editor wishes to add a word concerning Sir Robert Davers. In the Acts of the Privy Council, Colonial Series, Vol. i'/4yi'/66, under the date of Aug. 31, 1763, there is a petition of Sir Robert Davers to the Board of Trade for a grant of Grosse Isle and several other little islands surrounding it. Isle Aux Dinde and lands on the eastern shore of the Detroit river from Lake Erie on the south to the River Aux Canards

Preface 9

on the north. Sir Robert was killed before the petition was referred to the Board, as recorded in the diary, and the Indians made use of some of these islands during the siege.

C M. BURTON.

Detroit, Nov., 1912.

Translator's Preface

The so-called Pontiac Manuscript is an intensely illumi- nating document for its gossip, information and folk-lore, and the various side-lights which it throws on the memo- rable siege of Detroit by the Indians in 1763, but it is historical rather than literary, as even the most hasty reader will perceive. As translator I have been concerned to reproduce the original in an intelligible, if not elegant English, and at the same time to leave untouched as much as possible the verbosity, discursiveness, and repetitions, which are so characteristic of the early work. However, what Pope called the "illiteracies" will not appear, though interwoven all through with the rhetorical peculiarities : the unknown writer displays such an utter indifference to matters of punctuation, spelling, composition, and gram- mar that it would be hazardous to attempt to perpetuate any of his vagaries. Still, it is certain that they have added greatly to the task of translation. Through the fact that capital letters are used so indiscriminately, and punc- tuation so neglected and capricious, it is frequently diffi- cut to tell where phrases or sentences end or begin; and then, outside of the traditional combinations the spelling is surprisingly phonetic, which helps to make the reading of many passages and parts quite a tour de force.

The question of the authorship of the manuscript has been a subject of speculation at different times, but noth- ing definite has ever been established. Parkman in his Conspiracy of Pontiac draws upon the facts of the manu- script which he knew through a copy loaned him by Gen. Lewis Cass, and he makes the statement that it is "con- jectured to be the work of a French priest." Since he makes general acknowledgment of his indebtedness to Gen. Cass for materials dealing with the war and Detroit, one may infer, I think, that he was merely indorsing a tradition which was current in the French family who were in possession of the document in Gen. Cass' time.

It is well known that there were only two priests at Detroit during the period of the siege : Father Potier, Jes- uit missionary to the Hurons, v/hose mission was on what

Translator's Preface 11

is now the Canadian side of the river; and Father Bocquet, a Franciscan, who was in charge of St. Anne's church, within the enclosures of the Fort.

Now as to Father Potier: There are several specimens of his composition and writing extant and nowhere do they show the least resemblance to the hand of the Pontiac manuscript. Father Potier wrote an almost uncial script, and a page of his writing reminds one of the painstaking efforts of some mediaeval copyist. The Pontiac manu- script, on the other hand, is in the ordinary running hand which was the pride of the French writers of the eighteenth century.

Father Potier was something of a scholar, also ; he com- posed a Grammar of the Huron Language, which is full of Latin terminology, and the registry of baptisms in his parish he kept in Latin, — all of which goes to show, it seems to me, that he would hardly be guilty of such egregious language errors as the Pontiac manuscript abounds in. It is hard to imagine a man with any sort of Latin training using in his mother tongue singular verbs for plurals and vice versa, or disregarding the commonest gender agreements, or composing sentences so loose and rambling in structure as frequently to be almost inane. The fact is, the good father did not write French that way. For many years he kept a Livre de Compte, or account book, of the business transactions of his mission, and while he treated the matter of capital letters with some startling liberality, his spelling and syntax are quite reli- able. Another point : Whenever he signs his name in the records it is always Potier, yet the writer of the manu- script frequently, commonly, in fact, refers to him as Poitier. Now I do not believe he would all at once have developed such carelessness in regard to his own name, even in his old age.

Another point: According to Elliott's investigations into the history of the Jesuit missions at Detroit, Father Potier enjoyed the very closest friendship with that Bap- tiste or Pierre Meloche who lived up above the Fort and was Pontiac's intimate and adviser, and he was himself on friendly terms with him. Now, though it is certain that among all the habitants of the region Meloche was deepest in Pontiac's councils, it is equally plain that the writer

12 Translator's Preface

of the manuscript had no regard for Pontiac, as is evident from more than one statement which characterizes him as murderous, treacherous, dishonest, and pagan.

The greatest argument, however, against Father Potier's authorship of the manuscript is the internal evidence of the document itself which, in my opinion, points unmis- takably to some writer within the Fort who, through the intercourse which was constantly kept up between the French of the village and stockade and the settlers up and down the river, and the friendly relations which were enjoyed with the Indians, knew all that was going on and was thus able to discuss and describe events with a sur- prising show of familiarity.

Still, when one comes to examine the manuscript narra- tive carefully it is seen that there is a marked difference in the treatment of various parts ; occurrences and doings among the Indians are sketched with seeming fidelity and objectivity, yet with a knowledge which might easily have been gained from rumor and gossip circulating among the French and Indians; on the other hand, everything which has to do with the life of the garrison, especially in the martial aspect of events as they unroll from day to day, is given with all possible detail and circumstance. In fact, the atmosphere is the atmosphere of the Fort, and the viewpoint that of an eye-witness. Chit-chat about this and that ; such statements as "It was brought to the knowl- edge of the Commandant at three o'clock," or "At five o'clock it was known in the Fort by a Frenchman who had gone out," or "News reached the Fort at four o'clock" ; the exact number of men who engaged in the various sorties; all the interesting and loquacious details of the erection of the cavalier or portable bastion; such turns as "The Indians came to fire on the Fort," etc. ; the thickness of planking in certain boats and the length of chains used with grappling hooks; casual reference to the fact that people heard shots fired in this or that direction, — all this and much more like it helps to weave a tissue of petty detail which is so significant as a whole. It is therefore pretty certain that the Fort is the real locus of the com- position.

Now, who of all the French within the Fort might have been the author of the manuscript? When this question

Translator's Preface 13

is asked everyone thinks at once of Father Bocquet, the Recollect curate of St. Anne's, for he was in the very center of events and abundantly qualified to write a most interesting story. But did he do so?

With Father Bocquet, as with Father Potier, it is a question of scholarship which is the disturbing one. As one reads over the records of St. Anne's church left by Father Bocquet one is struck by their clearness and exact- ness; they are carefully made. And on those occasions where there was reason for more than the stereotyped statements he writes with a command of the language and an observance of its forms which are entirely lacking in the manuscript. In fact, it would seem quite impossible that the hand which wrote the accurate parish register could be the same one which composed the rambling and more or less illiterate story of the siege.

The author of the journal-like narrative makes mention of the church holy days as they come along, but with one singular omission : he notes Sunday, May 22, as Pentecost, but no attention is called to the fact that the following Sunday. May 29, is trinity Sunday (fete de la Trinite), though he records again that Thursday, June 2, is Corpus Christi Day, and June 9 is Little Corpus Christi Day. The church records give ample evidence that Father Bocquet was exact and painstaking in his churchly duties, and even the Pontiac manuscript bears witness in more than one place to his punctilious regard for church observances ; it seems, therefore, hard to believe that he would have neglected an important entry like that in his journal, sur- rounded as it was with other festival days. Undoubtedlv the narrative was composed after the siege, either from memoranda or brief diarial notes, but this would make such an oversight in a well-trained priest just as unlikely.

Again the question recurs, Who did write the Pontiac manuscript? And after having spun my theories so far I am compelled to acknowledge that no one knows. One of Goethe's characters in his Iphigenia says : "Much talking is not needed to refuse. The other hears in all naught but the No !" And probably some who have followed this foreword so far will think the same. The elimination of the two priests from likelihood of the authorship has not solved the prob-

14 Translator's Preface

lem, however much it may have narrowed it down. It draws the cordon, as it were, a Httle tighter around the Fort, but as in the days of the siege there is still plenty of opportunity for the Frenchman to escape. And so far he has done so.

In all probability, if the manuscript were intact to-day, or if what is left were perfectly whole and legible, the identity of the writer would be disclosed; it is quite likely that many marginal notes are missing, as some even now are almost if not quite obscured. And it is quite likely, too, that the missing pages of the conclusion of the manu- script may have held the writer's name, for it does not sound like an anonymous document.

Now if I were to hazard a conjecture as to the author I should say it was probably — notice the probably — Robert Navarre, "the Scrivener," once sub-intendant and notary at Fort Pontchartrain for the French king, and in the days of the British occupation still keeping the notarial records. The manuscript is entirely silent about him, a very sig- nificant fact, it seems to me, for he was exceedingly well known and prominent in the affairs of the settlement. He was a man of parts, with an intelligence half literary, half military, and especially well fitted to appreciate all that was happening around him.

I cannot close this little disquisition without expressing a translator's joy over the many quaint and curious words and phrases which I have come upon in the perusal of the old document. The French of Detroit in that early day. shut away as the post was from intercourse with the mother country, was in many respects the French of an older period, with a large number of special words and phrases which had come from life in the wilderness. Twice in the manuscript occurred the word sacqiiaquois, used with a feeling quite French; but though the word was evidently Gallicised it was just as plainly not French. Suspecting that it was Indian I submitted it to a Chippewa friend who on more than one occasion has helped me in similar difficulties; he recognized the w^ord at once from its Chippewa cognate as meaning a "yell or shout of victory."

This old story of the siege of Detroit is a chronicle out of age long past, and yet it is a story wath so much human

Translator's Preface 15

interest in it that it ought to prove fascinating reading to the descendants of those first settlers of Detroit, and to all others who call themselves the city's children. Mr, Burton, by bringing it to public notice again and putting it within the reach of every one, is doing a real service to the people of Detroit and the commonwealth.

R. CLYDE FORD. Ypsilanti, Mich. Dec. 25, 1910.

Journal or Narrative of a Conspiracy

OF THE INDIANS AGAINST THE ENGLISH, AND OF THE SIEGE OF FORT

DETROIT BY FOUR DIFFERENT NATIONS

(Bejdnning) May 7, 1763

Pontiad, great chief of all the Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, and all the nations of the lakes and rivers of the north, was a proud, vindictive, war-like and easily offended man. Under pretext of some fancied insult from Mr. Gladwyn-, Commandant of the Fort, he concluded that, inasmuch as he was the great chief of all the nations of the north, only himself and members of his own nation ought to occupy this part of the world, where, for some sixty odd years, the French had lived for purposes of trade, and which the English had governed for three years by virtue of the conquest of Canada. This chief, and his whole nation for that matter, whose only bravery lies in the treachery which he is able to inspire by his suave ex- terior, resolved within himself to wrest the lands away from the English and the French people.

In order to succeed in his project which he had not as yet communicated to any of his nation, the Ottawas, Pon- tiac enlisted them in his cause by an address, and they did

'Pontiac was the principal chief of the Ottawas and the virtual head of a con- federacy of Ottawas, OjibwaS and Pottawatomies, his influence spreading over all the nations of the Illinois region. Several tribes, the Miamis, Sacs and others claimed connection with him but it is more generally accepted that he was born among the Ottawas, son of an Ottawa woman. He was about fifty years old when in the fall of 1762 he sent messages with war belts to all the tribes far and wide, calling upon the Indians to unite and fall upon the English. After the failure cf his plans, the tribes were gradually won back to peace with the English, but Pontiac held aloof for some time before he finally (Aug., ITGJ) made peace through George Croghan. He was assassinated in 1769 at a council held among the Illinois. \'arious stories as to the manner of his death are found; one, that he married a Peorie w-hom he abused so shockingly that her tribe surprised and killed him, for which the Ottawas completely exterminated the race by way of 1 evenge. Carver relates that a faithful Indian who had either been commis- sioned by one of the English governors or instigated by his love for the English, attended him as a spy when Pontiac held a council in Illinois, and being con- vinced that his speech was suspicious, he instantly killed him. Parkman relates that Pontiac, while among the Illinois at Cahokia, went to a feast where he became drvink and wandered away toward the woods singing Medicine songs. An English trader, Williamson, bribed an Indian of the Kaskaskia tribe to follow and kill the chief. This was done and when the murder was discovered, his friends banded together and exterminated the whole race of Illinois. In the main cor- ridor of the Southern Hotel in St. Louis, the St. Louis chapter of the D. A. R.

16

Journal ou Dictation d'une Conspiration

FAITE PAR LES SAUVAGES CONTRE LES ANGLAIS, ET DU SIEGE DU FORT

DE DETROIX PAR QUATRE NATIONS DIFFERENTES

LE 7 MAY, 1763

Pondiak grand chefs de tous les outaouis, sauteux, paux et toutes les nations des lacs et rivieres du nord, homme orgueilleux, vindicatif, beliqueux et tres aise a choque, sous pretexte de quelque insulte qu'il cru avoir regue de la part de Mr. Gladouine, commandant du fort, se figura que etant grand chef de toutes les nations du nord qu'il n'y avait que Luy et ceux de sa nation qui devoient habiter cette partie de terre ; ou depuis pres de Soixante et quelques annees Les franqois fesoient Leurs domicille pour La facilite du Commerce avec eux et que Les anglois gou- vernoient depuis trois ans par La conqueste du Canada; le chef et toute sa nation dont sa bravoure est dans la trahison qu'ils sa facine par de beau dehors, resolue en Lui niesme La perte de terre de la nation angloise et Canadienne; Et pour reussir a Son projets qu'il n'avait pas encore communique a aucun de sa nation outaouaise, il Les engagea dans son parti par une harangue, eux qui tous porte qu'ils sont volontairement aux malices, ne ba-

has erected a tablet, marking the burial place of Pontiac, the friend of St. Ange, killed at Cahokia, 111., in April, 1769.

Robert Rogers, Gen. Alex. Macomb and A. C. IVhifttey have used the Siege of Detroit as a theme for a tragedy and Pontiac as its hero.

^Henry Gladwin, son of TTiomas Gladwin, was born in 1730. In 1753 he was serving in the army as lieutenant of the 4Sth Foot and in 1755 subaltern in Col. Dunbar's regiment at the time of Braddock's defeat at Little Meadows. In 1759 he served as major under Gage and in 1760 was sent to relieve Niagara. His appointment as major was not approved by the home government until June 22, 1761. Owing to the unrest of the Indians about Detroit, Sir William Johnson and Maj. Gladwin went to that place in the summer of 1761, reaching their destination Aug. 17. During this visit Gladwin had an attack of fever and ague and was unable to leave the place until Oct. 12. After leaving Detroit Gladwin sailed for England and there on the 30th of March, 1762, he married Frances, daughter of the Rev. John Beridge. On Aug. 23 of that year he was again in Detroit as Commandant. After Pontiac's siege in the fall of 1764, Gladwin returned to England where he settled down to the life of a country gentleman. He died at his country home June 22, 1791, aged sixty-two years. His wife Frances, who died Oct. 16, 1817, aged seventy-four, a son Charles and three datighters survived him.

Henrv Gladzvin and the Gladzmn MMS. by Charles Moore, Mich. Pion. and Hist. Colls., Vol. XXVII.

17

18 JOURNAL OR NARRATIVE OF A CONSPIRACY

not hesitate to obey him, all inclined to wickedness as they are. But as they alone were too weak for this enterprise the chief tried by means of a council to draw over to his side the Pottawattamies^. This nation was controlled by a chief named Ninivois, a weak and easily influenced man ; and knowing that Pontiac was his superior chief and treacherous, he and his whole tribe joined him. The two nations together comprised about four hundred men. This number not yet seeming large enough, it was a question of drawing into their project the Hurons^ who were divided into two bands under two different chiefs of different char- acter. However, the same Jesuit father, their missionary, controlled them both.

The two chiefs of this latter nation were called the one Takay, who was like Pontiac in character, the other Teata'^, who was a very cautious and extremely prudent man. The last named, not of a disposition to do wrong, was not easily won over. Not caring to listen to Pontiac's messengers he sent them back as they had come. They then went to the other band of the Hurons who listened to them and re- ceived from them war-belts to join Pontiac and Ninivois, the Ottawa and Chippewa chiefs; and it was voted by means of wampum which even distant savages use for adornment that there would be a council on the 27th of April, when the day and hour of the attack w^ould be fixed, and the necessary measures determined in order that their plans might not be discovered. And so it was decided in the way I have mentioned before that the council should be held on the 15th of the moon, — a way of reckoning

'Pottawattamies had a village below the fort where the town Springwells was located.

*The Hurons or Wyandots had a village on the Canadian shore where the town of Sandwich was later located. Part of the Huron Mission house is still standing (1913). As early as 172S Father Armand de La Richardie, S. J., estab- lished himself on the south shore of the Detroit River, ministering to the spirit- ual wants of the colonists and Indians on that side of the river. He built a mission house and a chapel. In 1743 Father Potier was sent to assist him and for a while had charge of a mission on Bois Blanc Island. This mission was closed in 1747 and Potier went to the Huron Mission. Up to this time the Hurons had lived on the opposite side of the river near the mouth of the Sav- oyard River, but in 1747 they moved to the southern side of the Detroit river where they built a new village. Here they resided until the 19th century. De

JOURNAL OU DICTATION d'UNE CONSPIRATION 19

lancerent pas a Luy obeir, mais comme ils se trouvoient trop faibles pour cette entreprise Le chef essaya dattire dans son party, la nation poux par un Conseil. Cette nation etait gouverne par un chef nomee, ninivois, homme sans desseins, et fort facil a entrainer et qui Connaissait pondiak pour son principal chef et d'un caractere felonique L'ecouta Lui et tout sa bande et se joignerent a Luy, ses deux nations composoient environ quatre cents hommes, ce nombre ne Luy paraissait pas encore suffisant: il Sagis- sait de mettre dans leurs projets La nation huronne, qui divise en deux Bande etoient gouverne par deux chefs different et de different caractere. Et cependant tous etoient conduit par le Superieur, pere Jesuite, Leur missionnaire. Les deux chefs de cette derniere nation, se nommoient, L'un take du mesme caractere que pondiak et I'autre se nommait teata, homme fort circonspect, d'une prudence consommee; ce dernier n'etait pas facil a entraine n'etant point d'un naturel a mal faire, ne voulu point ecoute les deputes de pondiak, Les renvoya comme ils etoient venus; ceux cy aux premiers de cette derniere nation, de qui ils furent ecoutes et regus colliers de gueres pour se joindre a pondiak et ninivois chefs outaouis et sauteux, et il fut resolue par des branches de porcelaine, maniere de se paree a la fagon sauvage eloigne qu'il aurait un conseil le 27 d'Avril, aussi, assigne le jour et I'heure de I'attaque et qu'il serait necessaire de prendre des mesures pour empecher d'etre pas decouvert dans leurs plans, comme c'est une fagon de compter parmis Les Sauvages il fut alors decide par les paroles dont jay parle cy dessus que

la Richardie returned tvi Quebec in 1753 and died there March 23, 1758, leav- ing Potier the entire charge of the mission. Potier left some interesting account books and church records which are printed and translated in the Jesuit Rela- tions and in the United States Catholic Historical Magazine, Vol. IV. He con- ducted his mission until his death, which occurred as the result of an accident, and was buried July 18, 1781. Ontario Hist., Soc. Papers and Records, Vol. VII.

^Teata's name apoears in the records of the church of the Assumption as late as 1791, when he stood sponser at the baptism of a young Indian child. His wife, r^Iarguerite, was buried at Assumption, May 14, 1799, and at the tim; was called the widow of the late Ttata, chief Huron of Monguagon. Records of the Church of the Assumption.

20 JOURNAL OR NARRATIVE OF A CONSPIRACY

time among the Indians — which was Wednesday, the 37th of April.

When the day agreed upon for the council had arrived, the Pottawattamies, led by Ninivois, and the Hurons by Takay, betook themselves to the rendezvous which was on the Ecorce River ten miles from the fort toward the south- west,— a place which Pontiac had chosen for his camp at the breaking up of the winter so as not to be disturbed in his schemes. This move which was something new for him and his people caused the French to wonder, without however, enabling them to see the reason for it, because the Indians are very whimsical anyway.

The council of the three nations, Ottawas, Pottawat- tamies, and the bad Huron band, took place and was pre- sided over by Pontiac in his capacity of head chief of all the northern nations. He made a speech, and as a reason for his action exhibited war-belts which he claimed he had received from his Great Father, the King of France, to induce him to attack the English. He also spoke of pre- tended insults which he and his nation had received from the Commandant and the English officers, and even men- tioned how a sentinel had struck one of his followers with a gun while pursuing a woman who was his cousin.

They listened to him as chief, and in order to flatter his vanity and excite his pride they promised to do whatever he wished. Delighted to find so much loyalty among the three nations which numbered four hundred and sixty men, he craftily made use of their weakness to get complete con- trol over them. To accomplish this he related in the coun- cil the story of a Wolf® (Delaware) Indian, who had journeyed to Heaven and talked with the Master of Life. He spoke with so much eloquence that his narrative had just the effect upon them that he desired.

This story deserves a place here since it contains in

^Wolf: "Loups" in French, who called themselves Lenni Lenape, meaning original men, but also called by the English, the Delawares. Mich. Pion. Colls., Vol. VIII. p. 268.

JOURNAL, OU DICTATION d'UNE CONSPIRATION 21

le Conseil se tiendrait le 15eme de la Lune qui etait le mercredi le 27 du mois d'avril.

Le jour nomme pour le conseil venijs, Les poux conduit par ninivois et les hurons par take se rendirent au ren- devous qui etait a la riviere aux ecorse a quatre Lieux audessous du fort, tirans au sorouest, lieu que pondiak avait choisi pour placer son camp au sortis d'hivernement pour n'etre pas inquiete dans ses projets. Cette demarche que Luy n'y ses gens n'avoient pas coutume de faire donnait a penser aux fran^ais, sans cependant en penetrer la cause parce que d'ordinaire Les Sauvages sont assez fantasque.

Le conseil se tint entre les trois nations : Outasoise, poux et la mauvaise bande des hurons, ou pondiak en qualite de grand chef de tous les nations du nord presida et prenant la parole il exposa pour raison qui le fesait agir des pretendus colliers qu'il disait avoir regu de son grand pere Le Roy de france pour frape sur les anglais et joins aux pretendus insultes que Luy et Ceux de sa nation avoient regue du Commandant et des officiers anglais, jusque a un Coup de bourade qu'un Soldat Sentinel -avait donne a un de ses gens en suivant sa Cousine, il fut ecoute de tous Comme leur chef et qui pour flatter sa vanite et rehausser son orgeuille Luy promirent de faire ses volontes. Lui charme de voir dans les trois nations qui composaient 460 homme, tant de soumission, en homme ruse, profitat de leur faiblesse pour avoir sur eux tout empire, pour cette effet il Leur rapporta dans le Conseil une histoire d'un Sauvage Loup qui avait ete au ciel, parle au maitre de la vie, mais avec d'eloquence quelle fit sur eux tout I'effet qu'il sen etait promis.

Cette histoire merite icy sa place puisquelle est comme Le principe du plus noir des attentats sur la nation anglaise

22 JOURNAL OR NARRATIVE OF A CONSPIRACY

blackest aspect the reason of the attack upon the English, and upon the French too, perhaps, if God in His mercy had not disposed differently. It is as follows'^ :

An Indian of the Wolf nation, eager to make the acquaintance of the Master of Life, — this is the name for God among all the Indians — resolved to undertake the journey to Paradise, where he knew He resided, without the knowledge of any of his tribe or village. But the question was how to succeed in his purpose and find the way thither. Not knowing anyone who had been there and was thus able to teach him the road, he had recourse to incantation in the hope of deriving some good augury from his trance. As a rule all the Indians, even those who are enlightened, are subject to superstition, and put a good deal of credence in their dreams and those things which one has a good deal of trouble to wean them from. This episode will be proof of what I say.

This Wolf Indian in his dream imagined that he had only to set out and by dint of travelling would arrive at the celestial dwelling. This he did the next day. Early in the morning he arose and equipped himself for a hunting journey, not forgetting to take provisions and ammunition, and a big kettle. Behold him then setting out like that on his journey to Heaven to see the Master of Life.

The first seven days of his journey were quite favorable to his plans ; he walked on without growing discouraged, always with a firm belief that he would arrive at his des- tination, and eight days went by without his encountering anything which could hinder him in his desire. On the evening of the eighth day he halted at sunset as usual, at the opening to a little prairie upon the bank of a stream which seemed to him a suitable camping place. As he was preparing his shelter for the night he beheld at the other end of this prairie where he camped, three roads, wide and plainly marked. This struck him as singular, nevertheless.

'Schoolcraft has translated and printed this story in his Algic Researches, Vol. 1. p. 339.

JOURNAL OU DICTATION d'unE CONSPIRATION 23

et peut etre sur les frangais Sy Dieu par sa grace n'en eu dispose autrement.

Cette histoire est Conqu en ces termes, un sauvage de la nation Loup, envieux de voir et de connaitre Le maitre de la vie, C'est ainsi que tous Les Sauvages ap- pellent le Bon Dieu Resolii d'entreprendre Le voyage du paradis ou il savait quel etait sa Residence sans en rien Communique a Ceux de sa nation ny de son village, mais il etait question pour reussir a son projet de Sgavoir Le chemin qui y mene, come il ne Connaissait personne qui y ayant ete, pii, Luy enseigner La route, se mis a jongler dans I'esperance de tirer Bonne augure de sa reverie, Comme une regie general que tous Les Sauvages, mesme ceux qui sont affranchis sont sujets a la Supertition en ajoutant beaucoup de foy a leurs Songes et ce dont on a Bien de la peine a Les faire revenir, Cette histoire donnera une preuve de ce Javance.

Savage Loup dans Sa reverie, S'imagina qu'il n'avait qu'a Se mettre en chemin et qu'il parviendrait a force demarche a la demeure celeste, ce qu'il fit le lendemain, de grand matin, il Szabille et S'equipe en voyageur de chasse sans oublier de prendre ses provisions et Ses ammuni- tions et une grande chaudiere, puis comme cela le voila parti pour son voyage le Ciel, y voir Le maitre de la vie, Les premiers sept jours de Son voyage furent assez fa- v^orable a Ses desseins, il marchat Sans Se decourager, ayant toujours une ferme confiance qu'il arriverait a son but, puis huit jours s'etait deja ecoule Sans qu'il rencontra qui que ce Soit qui piat etre un obstacle a Ses desirs, Sur le Soir du huitieme jour, au Soleil couchant suivant I'ordinaire il S'arrete a I'entre d'une petite praierie qui Luy pari! propre a Camper sur le bord d'un ruisseau, en preparant Son logement il appercu a L'autre bout de cette praierie ou il campoit. trois chemins Bien Large et Bien fraye qui Lui parurent avoir quelque chose de singulier

24 JOURNAL OR NARRATIVE OF A CONSPIRACY

he went on working on his shelter so as to be protected from the weather, and made a fire. While doing his cook- ing he thought he noticed that the three roads became all the brighter the darker it grew, a thing which surprised him to the point of fear. He hesitated for some time over what he should do, whether to remain in his present camp, or move and camp elsewhere ; but as he pondered he recalled his incantations, or rather his dream, and that he had un- dertaken this journey from no other reason than to see the Master of Life. This led him to believe that one of the roads was the one he must take to reach the spot he desired. He concluded to remain where he was till the next day, when he would choose one of the three routes at random. However, his curiosity hardly allowed him time to reflect upon it before he abandoned his camp and set out along the road w^hich seemed to him the widest. He continued in it for half a day without seeing anything to stop him, but, pausing a little to take breath, he*saw suddenly a great fire coming out of the earth. This aroused his curiosity. He drew nearer to see what this fire was, but the closer he approached the more the fire appeared to increase. This frightened him and caused him to retrace his steps and take another road which was narrower than the first one. After following this road the same length of time as the other he beheld the same spectacle, and his fear which had been quieted by the change of route was again aroused. He was once more obliged to turn about and take the third road which he followed for a day without discovering any- thing. Suddenly he saw before him what appeared to be a mountain of marvellous whiteness and he stopped, over- come with astonishment. Nevertheless, he again advanced, firmly determined to see what this mountain could be, but when he arrived at the foot of it he no longer saw any road and was sad. At this juncture, not knowing what to do to continue his way, he looked around in all directions and finally saw a woman of this mountain, of radiant

JOURNAL. OU DICTATION d'UNE CONSPIRATION 25

neantmoins il continua de travailler a sa retraite pour se mettre a couvert des injures du temps, et fait du feux, il cru Sapperc^evoir en faisant sa cuisine que plus le temps Sobscurcisait par Le Loignement du Soleil et plus les trois chemins devenoient clair, ce qui Le Surpris jusqu'au point de L'Effraye, il esita quelque moment Sur ce qu'il avait affair, ou de rester a son camp ou de S 'eloigner pour camper plus Loing, mais en balangant ainsy il se ressou- vint de sa jonglerie ou plustot de son reve et qu'il n'avait entrepris ce voyage qu'a dessein de voir Le maitre de La vie, ce qui Lui remit Les Sens dans la Croyance qu'un de ces trois chemin, etait celuy qu'il fallait prendre pour se rendre au Lieu ou il asspirait, il seresoud de Reste ou il etait, jusque au Lendemain, qu'il prendrait une de ces trois route Sans choisir, mais Sa curiosite Luy donna apeine Le temps de prendre sa reflection, il abondonna Son Camp et Sachemine dans le Chemin qui luy paria le plus Large, il y marcha jusque vers La motie du jour Sans rien voir qui pit L'arrete, mais Se reposant un peu pour prendre haleine, il vit tout d'un Coup un grand feu qui sortait dessous terre, ce qui attira Sa Curiosite, en S'approchant de plus pres pour mieux Considere ce que Se pouvait etre que ce feu, et plus il approchait et plus Le feu Luy paroissait augmenter, ce qui L'effraya jusque au point de le faire retourne Sur ses pas, pour prendre un autre chemin qui etait moins Large que le premier, ou ayant marche dans le mesme espace de temps qu'a Lautre, il vit Le mesme Spectacle, ce qui reveilla sa fayeur qui s'etait assoupy par le changement de route Et qu'il fut encore oblige de faire pour prendre Le troisieme chemin, dans lequel il marche Lespace d'une journee sans rien de Couvrir, tout d'un Coup il s'offre a sa viae Comme une montagne d'une merveilleuse Blancheur qui le fit arreter et le saisit d'Etonnement, neanmoins Bien resolue il avance pour voir ce que pouvait etre que cette montagne, etant au pied il ne vit plus de chemin, ce qui le rendit triste ne Sgachant Comment faire pour continuer sa route, dans

26 JOURNAL OR NARRATIVE OF A CONSPIRACY

beauty, whose garments dimmed the whiteness of the snow. And she was seated.

This woman addressed him in his own tongue: "Thou appearest to me surprised not to find any road to lead thee where thou wishest to go. I know that for a long while thou hast been desirous of seeing the Master of Life and of speaking with him; that is why thou hast undertaken this journey to see him. The road which leads to his abode is over the mountain, and to ascend it